Shaping the way international organizations ‘see’ gender equality: the OECD and ECLAC

Author(s):  
Rianne Mahon
Global Policy ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-75
Author(s):  
David Le Blanc ◽  
Jean-Marc Coicaud

2012 ◽  
Vol 106 (2) ◽  
pp. 322-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald McRae

On November 17, 2011, the UN General Assembly elected the members of the International Law Commission for the next five years. In the course of the quinquennium that was completed in August 2011 with the end of the sixty-third session, the Commission concluded four major topics on its agenda: the law of transboundary aquifers, the responsibility of international organizations, the effect of armed conflicts on treaties, and reservations to treaties. It was by any standard a substantial output. The beginning of a new quinquennium now provides an opportunity to assess what the Commission has achieved, to consider the way it operates, and to reflect on what lies ahead for it.


Author(s):  
Joan Marie Johnson

Chapter 1 examines how suffragists recruited wealthy women to the woman suffrage movement, who these donors were, and why they decided to give their money—and sometimes their time—to fight for political equality. This chapter argues that focusing on their feminism highlights a strand of suffragism that called for gender equality rather than emphasized maternalism, the belief that women as mothers (or potential mothers) had the right and the duty to vote in order to protect children and clean up government. Having experienced both the power of money and its limitations influenced the way women linked economic independence and political equality, which they believed were necessary whether one earned wages in a factory, was a professional with a college degree, or inherited a large fortune. Susan B. Anthony had understood that their donations were necessary, and Alva Belmont and Katharine McCormick gave donations essential to winning the right to vote for women.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Moss

This final chapter returns to Ford, Dagenham to analyse the second strike that was organised by female sewing-machinists for skill recognition in the winter of 1984-1985. Whilst the 1968 strike analysed in chapter 2 was optimistically hailed as a turning point symbolising a new era of gender equality, the sewing-machinists were dissatisfied because the skilled nature of their work was not recognised. For the women at Ford, the underlying grading grievance and the sense of injustice that led to the 1968 dispute continued to shape their experiences of work and trade unionism for the next 17 years. This dispute marks an appropriate place to begin to draw some broader conclusions about women’s experiences of workplace activism between 1968 and 1985. The Ford sewing-machinists’ eventual success in winning their grading intimates a transition had occurred in the way women’s work was valued in the intervening 17 years between the strikes – at least within the Ford factory. Drawing upon contemporary representations of the dispute and interviews with women involved, this final chapter considers whether the women themselves believed the strike represented a change in attitudes towards female workers.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhuo Jing-Schmidt ◽  
Xinjia Peng

AbstractThis article describes emerging misogynistic labels involving the morphemebiăo‘slut’ as a gendered personal suffix in the Chinese cyber lexicon. We analyze the morphological, semantic, and cognitive processes behind their coinage, and the way they are used across gender lines in Chinese social media as a community of discourse practice. Our findings show that women participate in female pejoration as much as men do, and that men are more inclined than women to use pejorative labels that specifically attack female empowerment. Additionally, men construct masculinity and power by using certain misogynistic labels as generics. We argue that verbal misogyny is part and parcel of a larger gender ideology by illuminating the mutual constitution of the linguistic pejoration of women and the gender order in postreform China. This study has implications for research on women's conditions in contemporary China, raises awareness of gender inequality, and lays the groundwork for social actions toward gender equality. (Gender, sexism, neologism, social media, Chinese)*


Subject Gender inequality in Japan. Significance The need to improve gender equality has been discussed in Japan for decades, but progress has been slow or non-existent. Impacts The extent of the gendering of elected politics in Japan up until now suggests that progress will be slow. Generational change will likely be needed before the ruling party can field more female candidates. Laws against sexual harassment are more likely to be framed in terms of compensation rather than fines or criminal penalties. Businesses oppose tougher laws against sexual harassment, fearing they will open the way for a flood of lawsuits.


Sex Roles ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 51 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 227-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle R. Hebl ◽  
Traci A. Giuliano ◽  
Eden B. King ◽  
Jennifer L. Knight ◽  
Jenessa R. Shapiro ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shoyimqulova Mahzuna Shavkatovna

Webster masterly helped to open the way to freedom of women in the society, gender equality, sufferings of the women in patriarchal society must be limited, and characters depicted in the book explicitly and detailed


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