scholarly journals Keeping the natives in their place: the ideology of white supremacy and the flogging of African offenders in colonial Natal – part 1

Fundamina ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 374-423
Author(s):  
Stephen Allister Peté
Keyword(s):  
White Supremacy ◽  
Social Darwinism ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Global Context ◽  
The Social ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Colonial Economy ◽  
White Settlers ◽  
The One

The political economy of colonial Natal was based on a coercive and hierarchical racial order. Over decades, the white colonists struggled to assert their power over the indigenous inhabitants of the colony, to force them off their land and into wage labour in service of the white colonial economy. This process resulted in ongoing resistance on the part of the indigenous population, including a series of rebellions and revolts throughout the colonial period, which were met with force by the white colonists. White colonial ideology was shaped by the violent and adversarial nature of the social, political and economic relations between white and black in the colony. It was also influenced by the broader global context, within which colonisation was justified by racist variants of the theory of Social Darwinism. Driven by a strange mix of deep insecurity and fear on the one hand, and racist paternalism on the other, the white settlers of colonial Natal developed a variant of white supremacist ideology with a special flavour. Nowhere was this more apparent than in their near obsession with flogging as the most appropriate manner of dealing with African offenders in particular. By closely examining a series of public debates that took place in the colony of Natal between 1876 and 1906, this contribution seeks to excavate the various nuanced strands of thinking that together comprised the ideology of white supremacy in the colony at that time.

scholarly journals Keeping The Natives in Their Place: The Ideology of White Supremacy and The Flogging of African Offenders in Colonial Natal – Part 2

Fundamina ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-100
Author(s):  
Stephen Peté
Keyword(s):  
White Supremacy ◽  
Social Darwinism ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Global Context ◽  
The Social ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Colonial Economy ◽  
White Settlers ◽  
The One

The political economy of colonial Natal was based on a coercive and hierarchical racial order. Over decades, the white colonists struggled to assert their power over the indigenous inhabitants of the colony, and to force them off their land and into wage labour in service of the white colonial economy. This process resulted in ongoing resistance on the part of the indigenous population, which ultimately manifested as a series of rebellions and revolts throughout the colonial period, and which were met with force by the white colonists. White colonial ideology was shaped by the violent and adversarial nature of the social, political and economic relations between white and black in the colony. It was also influenced by the broader global context, within which colonisation was justified by racist variants of the theory of Social Darwinism. Driven by a strange mix of deep insecurity and fear on the one hand and racist paternalism on the other, the white settlers of colonial Natal developed a variant of white supremacist ideology with a special flavour. Nowhere was this more apparent than in their near obsession with flogging as the most appropriate manner of dealing with, in particular, African offenders. By closely examining a series of public debates that took place in the colony of Natal between 1876 and 1906, this contribution seeks to excavate the various nuanced strands of thinking that made up the ideology of white supremacy in the colony at the time.

scholarly journals Wrestling the Elephant

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2/3) ◽  
pp. 545-565
Author(s):  
Carolyn Mak ◽  
Mandeep Kaur Mucina ◽  
Renée Nichole Ferguson
Keyword(s):  
Social Work ◽  
Critical Race Theory ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
Race Theory ◽  
Institutional Policies ◽  
Classroom Dynamics ◽  
The Social ◽  
Work Education ◽  
Whiteness As Property

White supremacist ideology is the elephant in the social work classroom, negatively impacting educators’ abilities to facilitate discussion and learning. One of the most effective ways to dismantle and organize against white supremacy is to politicize the seemingly benign moments that occur in the classroom that can create discomfort for students and instructors. Politicization includes identifying and addressing both the racial (micro-) aggressions that occur in the classroom and the processes and institutional policies that create complacency and lull us to sleep. In this conceptual piece, we use a Critical Race Theory (CRT) framework to understand how white supremacy perpetuates itself in the classroom, with a particular focus on whiteness as property. As well, we explore what it means to decolonize the classroom. Using a vignette based on our teaching experiences, we use these two frameworks to analyze classroom dynamics and interactions, and discuss how implications for social work education include waking from the metaphorical sleep to recognize the pernicious effects of whiteness and white supremacy. Included are practical individual teaching, relational, and systemic suggestions to enact change.

Historicizing White Supremacist Terrorism with Ida B. Wells

2021 ◽  
pp. 009059172110213
Author(s):  
Verena Erlenbusch-Anderson
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Current Debate ◽  
State Agencies ◽  
Racial Justice ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
Racial Domination ◽  
The One

In light of increasing white supremacist violence in the United States, calls to identify such violence as terrorism have surged in public discourse. Federal and state agencies have taken up these demands and included white supremacy in counterterrorism and national security policy. While this classification appears to remove the racist double standard in applications of the terrorism label, it has come under criticism for obscuring the history and distinctly U.S. American roots of white supremacy, on the one hand, and expanding the harmful and typically racially coercive consequences of U.S. counterterrorism, on the other hand. There is, however, a robust yet neglected tradition in U.S. racial justice activism that uses the language of terrorism to make sense of white supremacy. By examining this tradition, this essay offers a more nuanced assessment of the dangers and possibilities of classifying white supremacy as terrorism. Specifically, I look at Ida B. Wells’s analysis of lynching as racial terrorism to recover an alternative narrative of white supremacist terrorism. I argue that the understanding of white supremacy as terrorism in her writings not only exposes the partisan use of these terms and their complicity in constructing a narrowly circumscribed and biased public knowledge about racial domination, but also reveals some mistaken assumptions of the current debate. This essay thus sheds new light on a neglected discourse of white supremacist terrorism and makes it relevant for contemporary purposes.

scholarly journals Social and economic analysis of the interaction between priesthood and royalty in Ptolemaic Egypt

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (26) ◽  
pp. 158-164
Author(s):  
Nataliya S. Basalova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Analysis ◽  
Private Property ◽  
Scientific Literature ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Royal Power ◽  
The Social ◽  
The One ◽  
The Temple ◽  
The Church

The article analyzes social and economic relations between the priesthood and the Ptolemaic kings. The author examines the peculiarities of this issue coverage in Russian and foreign scientific literature, concluding that the problem was viewed more from a materialistic, religious, or artistic perspective, but not from the point of view of socio-economic analysis. The author considers the well-known fact of the Ptolemies' tolerance to the existence of the priesthood caste and their specific status in Egyptian society and studies the specificity of economic relations between power and the priesthood. The author makes a conclusion about the existence of a complex financial scheme which was beneficial both for the Ptolemies and the priesthood, as it was aimed at increasing the amount of temple lands: on the one hand, the policy raised the prosperity and the social status of priests, but, on the other hand, it led to the increase of lands which belonged to the Ptolemies by right of supreme rulers. However, basing on documents, the author states that under the Ptolemies private property of the priests became symbolic and was subjected to forced sale in case the priests had any debts to the royal treasury. The author emphasizes the fact that under the Ptolemies the priesthood became legal holders of the temple posts, while under the pharaohs priests’ positions were hereditary. Thus, royal power could influence social policy of the church, while the pharaohs were not allowed to interfere in it. The author concludes that the introduction of the sale of temple posts affected not only the material position of the priests, but also their status, as it influenced the requirements set for the candidates to priests. The author also examines the methods of economic pressure on the part of the Ptolemies (asilia, apomoira), which led to both economic subjection of temples to royal power and to the loss of the priests' right of autonomy in financial matters.

scholarly journals Presidential speeches and the online politics of belonging: Affective-discursive positions toward refugees in Finland and Estonia

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-179
Author(s):  
Markus Ojala ◽  
Sigrid Kaasik-Krogerus ◽  
Mervi Pantti
Keyword(s):  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Social Dynamics ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Emotional Expressions ◽  
The Social ◽  
Online Comments ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Online Politics ◽  
Presidential Speeches ◽  
The One

The so-called ‘refugee crisis’ has added urgency to the social dynamics of inclusion and exclusion in European societies. This study explores how emotions figure in this politics of belonging by studying their discursive mobilization in Finnish and Estonian public debates on asylum seekers. Focusing on presidential speeches addressing the refugee issue, on the one hand, and their reception by online commenters on popular tabloid news sites, on the other, the comparative analysis highlights both similarities and differences in how emotional expressions are employed in these two countries with very different experiences of taking refugees. Despite employing common discursive elements in their speeches, the diverging national contexts prompted the two presidents to emphasize contrasting emotional positions: the insecure Finn, threatened by abusive asylum seekers, and the compassionate Estonian, capable of identifying with the plight of refugees. In contrast, the reactions to speeches by Finnish and Estonian citizens on tabloid news sites demonstrated highly converging emotional positions. Online comments in both countries revealed deep anger and distrust of political elites among tabloid news audiences, articulating a complex relationship with the nation as a divided and exclusive political community.

scholarly journals Bridging White Supremacist Discourse: An ethnography of the online world of the ‘Alt-Right’

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Botha
Keyword(s):  
Racial Inequality ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Social World ◽  
Message Board ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
Online Ethnography ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
Ethnographic Examination ◽  
The Way

<p>This thesis examines the social world of white supremacy using online ethnography of an Alt-Right forum on 4chan. For four months, I conducted fieldwork on 4chan’s “politically incorrect” (/pol/) message board three to four days a week, observing the interaction of users in real time, compiling ethnographic fieldnotes, and archiving relevant documents and forum threads. This data was systematically analysed and provides the foundation for the case studies at the centre of this thesis: (1) users use of the metaphor of “red pills” to describe their entry to the Alt-Right and adoption of core tenants of movement ideology; (2) the way they translated this ideology for a wider (offline) audience through a campaign to poster the phrase, “It’s Okay to be White” around local neighbourhoods; and (3) the way they constructed collective meaning out of an act of racist violence from a self-identified insider to the community, Stephan Balliet, who killed two people near a synagogue in Halle, Germany, during the Jewish holiday of Yom Kippur.</p><p><br></p><p>This ethnographic examination of 4chan not only provides a ground-up view of what is generally regarded as among the darkest corners of the internet, based on the everyday interactions of participants in the community, but contributes to wider academic debates about the contemporary landscape of racial inequality and online white supremacy.</p>

scholarly journals ISLAM AND MUSLIMS IN AUSTRALIA: THE SOCIAL EXPERIENCES OF EARLY SETTLEMENT AND THE POLITICS OF CONTEMPORARY RACE RELATIONS

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-147
Author(s):  
Fethi Mansouri
Keyword(s):  
Terrorist Attack ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Social Experiences ◽  
Verbal Abuse ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Life And Death ◽  
Global Context ◽  
The Social ◽  
Early Settlement

“Hello, brother” were the last words uttered by Haji-Daoud Nabi, an elderly man who opened the doors of a Christchurch mosque in New Zealand in March 2019. Moments later, he was shot down and killed in a brutal terrorist attack carried out by an Australian white supremacist. This recent tragedy captures the increasingly precarious position that Muslims in the West presently occupy that is no longer confined to discursive racialization and verbal abuse, but is now starting to become a life and death challenge, quite literally. The Christchurch mosque attacks occurred in a local and global context of persisting Islamophobia and rising far-right nationalist fringe groups entering the mainstream in Australia and elsewhere. This paper discusses contemporary attitudes towards Islam and Muslim Australians through an examination of the historical context for the settlement of Muslims communities in Australia from the early days of the nineteenth century to the contemporary era, which has seen a more diversified migration from many parts of the Muslim world. The paper discusses the critical factors that shaped this migration and examines the contemporary social experiences of Muslim Australians in a global context of hyper-securitized agendas often connecting Islam and Muslims to extreme violent ideologies.

scholarly journals Bridging White Supremacist Discourse: An ethnography of the online world of the ‘Alt-Right’

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Botha
Keyword(s):  
Racial Inequality ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Social World ◽  
Message Board ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
Online Ethnography ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
Ethnographic Examination ◽  
The Way

<p>This thesis examines the social world of white supremacy using online ethnography of an Alt-Right forum on 4chan. For four months, I conducted fieldwork on 4chan’s “politically incorrect” (/pol/) message board three to four days a week, observing the interaction of users in real time, compiling ethnographic fieldnotes, and archiving relevant documents and forum threads. This data was systematically analysed and provides the foundation for the case studies at the centre of this thesis: (1) users use of the metaphor of “red pills” to describe their entry to the Alt-Right and adoption of core tenants of movement ideology; (2) the way they translated this ideology for a wider (offline) audience through a campaign to poster the phrase, “It’s Okay to be White” around local neighbourhoods; and (3) the way they constructed collective meaning out of an act of racist violence from a self-identified insider to the community, Stephan Balliet, who killed two people near a synagogue in Halle, Germany, during the Jewish holiday of Yom Kippur.</p><p><br></p><p>This ethnographic examination of 4chan not only provides a ground-up view of what is generally regarded as among the darkest corners of the internet, based on the everyday interactions of participants in the community, but contributes to wider academic debates about the contemporary landscape of racial inequality and online white supremacy.</p>

White Supremacy

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tracy Whitaker ◽  
Lauren Alfrey ◽  
Alice B. Gates ◽  
Anita Gooding
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Work ◽  
Critical Theory ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
Structural Racism ◽  
The Social ◽  
Macro Social Work

The concept of White supremacy is introduced and its impact on society and the social work profession is examined. The ideological and historical foundations of Whiteness in the United States are summarized, and an overview is provided of the legal supports that codified White supremacist ideas into structural racism. White supremacy’s influence on social work is discussed, with an emphasis on language and concepts, history, pedagogy, and organizations. Critical theory and practice frameworks are explored as responses to White supremacy. The limitations of social work’s responses and specific implications for macro social work are discussed.

The Language Question in Contemporary Germany: The Challenges of Multilingualism

2015 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Stevenson
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
New Technologies ◽  
German Society ◽  
German Language ◽  
Global Context ◽  
Political Discourses ◽  
The Social ◽  
Linguistic Practices ◽  
Complex Relationships ◽  
The One

This article addresses the complex relationships between political discourses, demographic constellations, the affordances of new technologies, and linguistic practices in contemporary Germany. It focuses on political and personal responses to the increasingly multilingual nature of German society and the often-conflicting ways in which “the German language” figures in strategies promoting social integration and Germany's global position. In order to do this, the idea of “the German language” is contextualized in relation to both internal and external processes of contemporary social change. On the one hand, changes to the social order arising from the increasingly complex patterns of inward migration have led to conflicts between a persistent monolingual ideology and multilingual realities. On the other hand, changes in the global context and the explosive growth of new social media have resulted in both challenges and new opportunities for the German language in international communication. In this context, the article explores internal and external policy responses, for example, in relation to education and citizenship in Germany, and the embedding of German language campaigns in strategies promoting multilingualism; and impacts on individual linguistic practices and behaviors, such as the emergence of “multiethnolects” and online multilingualism.

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