scholarly journals El derecho al descanso del trabajador: la Ciudad Sindical de Vacaciones de Marbella

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mar Loren-Méndez ◽  
Daniel Pinzón-Ayala

The worker’s right to rest constituted a new right in the construction of world peace after the First World War. Drawing on primary sources, the study begins with an overview of legislation ranging from the regulation of weekly weekend rest to annual holidays, analyzing public European proposals for holidays in the interwar years, distinguishing those designed to ensure rest for workers specifically within the context of the city. The newly acquired right was most warmly embraced by totalitarian regimes, converted into a prize, a charitable act, or an opportunity for indoctrination and control. Focusing on the case of Spain, the research presents the Ciudades Sindicales de Vacaciones, Trade Union Holiday Towns, as the culmination of the public promotion of rest for workers under Franco’s regime, subsequently giving way to private initiative and mass tourism. The research presents the Trade Union Holiday Town of Marbella as the ultimate prototype for a specific typology, analyzing its values through a projective approach to territory, providing new documentary evidence of its evolution and current status, and offering a reflection on the loss of values brought about by such transformations in light of findings made.

Author(s):  
Giandomenico Piluso

The chapter provides a reconstruction and analysis of adjustment processes in the Italian financial system after the major cleavage of the First World War. It considers how pressures exerted by external factors entailed a progressive adaptive strategy to a changing international environment. Financial and monetary instability called for a more intensive regulation reallocating responsibilities and powers from the private sector to the public sphere. Accordingly, financial elites changed their contours and boundaries. As the demand for technical competences and bargaining abilities rose, Italian governments and central monetary authorities tended to co-opt competent representatives from the private sector onto special committees at home, at international conferences, or in bilateral negotiations. A telling tale of such processes is represented by changes within the composition of the Italian delegations at major international economic and financial conferences from the Brussels Conference in 1920 to the London Economic and Monetary Conference in 1933.


2021 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 191-212
Author(s):  
Michael Llopart

Abstract At the end of the First World War, the French government seized the opportunity to acquire the chemical processes of the German firm BASF, including the Haber-Bosch process. This patent made it possible to synthesize nitrogen from the air and thus produce nitrogen fertilizers in large quantities. French industrialists, however, refused to acquire these patents, and to make up for this lack of private sector involvement, the French Parliament decided in 1924 to create a national plant (ONIA), which became the first state-owned plant to be exposed to market competition. The intention was for the ONIA to supply the army with nitric acid in times of war, and, in peacetime, to sell fertilizers at the lowest possible prices in order to curb the monopoly of the private industry cartel. The purpose of this article is therefore to study the establishment and organisation of the French market for nitrogen fertilisers during the inter-war period by raising a number of questions about the ambiguous and complex relations between the state and private industry in this strategic sector. Why was the state policy initiated with the ONIA not successful at first? From 1927-1928, once the ONIA was operational, why and how did the public and private players jointly organise the marketing of fertilisers even though their interests were partially divergent? From the economic crisis of the 1930s onwards, how did the regulation of this mixed market evolve and how were public/private tensions overcome? In the French case, why did French producers leave the international cartel very early on in favour of state protectionism? And finally, to what extent can it be said that this “managed economy” framework succeeded in satisfying all the players in the French nitrogen industry?


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Tea Sindbæk Andersen ◽  
Ismar Dedović

Abstract This article investigates the role of 1918, the end of the First World War, and the establishment of the Yugoslav state in public memories of post-communist Croatia and Serbia. Analysing history schoolbooks within the context of major works of history and public discussion, the authors trace the developments of public memory of the end of the war and 1918. Drawing on the concepts of public memory and historical narrative, the authors focus on the ways in which history textbooks create historical narratives and on the types of lessons from the past that can be extracted from these narratives. While Serbia and Croatia have rather different patterns of First World War memory, the authors argue that both states have abandoned the Yugoslav communist narrative and now publicly commemorate 1918 as a loss of national statehood. This is somehow paradoxical, since the establishment of the South Slav State in 1918 was supposedly an outcome of the Wilsonian principle of national self-determination. In Serbia, the story of loss is packed in a fatalistic narrative of heroism and victimhood, while in Croatia the story of loss is embedded in a tale of necessary evils, which nevertheless had a positive outcome in a sovereign Croatian state.


2008 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Gale

Apart from an awareness of shameful treatment to some shell-shocked soldiers on active duty in the First World War, the subjects of military discipline in general and courts-martial in particular are unlikely to permeate the consciousness of the public at large or, indeed, the vast majority of criminal lawyers. This article explores some of the history of both, the current position in relation to courts-martial and the planned reforms under the Armed Forces Act 2006. That the Human Rights Act 1998 exposed some of the anomalities and worst practices of courts-martial is undeniable. It seems equally likely that the 1998 Act was at least a catalyst for the wholesale review and modernisation of military discipline carried out by the 2006 Act.


Author(s):  
Sarah Dixon Smith ◽  
David Henson ◽  
George Hay ◽  
Andrew S.C. Rice

LAY SUMMARY The First World War created the largest group of amputees in history. There were over 41,000 amputee Veterans in the UK alone. Recent studies estimate that over two thirds of amputees will suffer long-term pain because of their injuries. Medical files for the First World War have recently been released to the public. Despite the century between the First World War and the recent Afghanistan conflict, treatments for injured soldiers and the most common types of injuries have not changed much. A team of historians, doctors, and amputee Veterans have collaborated to investigate what happened next for soldiers injured in the war and how their wounds affected their postwar lives, and hope that looking back at the First World War and seeing which treatments worked and what happened to the amputees as they got older (e.g., if having an amputation put them at risk of other illnesses or injuries) can assist today’s Veterans and medical teams in planning for their future care.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Oliver Brown

This thesis investigates the prevalence of anti-Semitism in the British right-wing between the years of 1918 and 1930. It aims to redress the imbalance of studies on interwar British right-wing anti-Semitism that are skewed towards the 1930s, Oswald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists. This thesis is the first to focus exclusively on the immediate aftermath of the First World War and the rest of the 1920s, to demonstrate how interwar British right-wing anti-Semitism was not an isolated product of the 1930s. This work shows that anti-Semitism was endemic throughout much of the right-wing in early interwar Britain but became pushed further away from the mainstream as the decade progressed. This thesis adopts a comparative approach of comparing the actions and ideology of different sections of the British right-wing. The three sections that it is investigating are the “mainstream”, the “anti-alien/anti-Bolshevik” right and the “Jewish-obsessive” fringe. This comparative approach illustrates the types of anti-Semitism that were widespread throughout the British right-wing. Furthermore, it demonstrates which variants of anti-Semitism remained on the fringes. This thesis will steer away from only focusing on the virulently anti-Semitic, fringe organisations. The overemphasis on peripheral figures and openly fascistic groups when historians have glanced back at the 1920s helped lead to an exaggerated view that Britain was a tolerant haven in historiographical pieces, at least up until the 1980s. This thesis is using a wide range of primary sources, that are representative of the different sections of the British right-wing.


Author(s):  
I. Y. Mednikov

The article deals with an insufficiently studied problem, Spanish neutrality during the First World War. The author analyzes its historical significance in the international context, as well in the context of political, economical and social evolution of Spain. Spain was one of the few major European Powers that maintained its neutrality throughout the First World War. Although all Spanish governments during the conflict declared strict neutrality, it was, in actual fact, benevolent towards the Entente Powers, and by the end of hostilities Spain turned into "neutral ally" of Entente. This benevolence towards the future winners and a wide humanitarian campaign supported and headed by the King Alfonso XIII enabled Spain to improve her position in the postwar system of international relations; Spain became one of the non-permanent members of the League of Nations Council. Nevertheless the Spanish neutrality had a negative impact upon the social, political and economical evolution of Spain. The social stratification was increased, the public opinion was deeply divided and the social conflicts were aggravated, that considerably affected the further evolution of the Spanish society.


2021 ◽  
pp. 79
Author(s):  
Alexander Turygin

The article deals with the formation of German colonial ideology in South America. The example of Venezuela is used to study the "discovery" of South America by German society in the late 19th — early 20th centuries, as well as the controversial policy of establishing Germany on the other side of the Atlantic. Germany's participation in the Venezuelan crisis (1902-1903) demonstrates the split in German society between the government and the nationalist-minded part of society, the manipulation of whose consciousness becomes a means of non-political influence for the Pan-German league (Alldeutscher Verband). The Venezuelan crisis, as part of the local diplomatic crises on the eve of the First World War, demonstrates the interest of the German government in the new status of a "world power", although national identity is now formed by German nationalists. Since there is no unity between official Berlin and the public in understanding the essence of colonialism, a paradox arises, which has become the subject of scientific study relatively recently. The article also problematizes one of the classic theses of imperialist theory the economic expansion is followed by territorial claims.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arturo Mora-Rioja

During the course of the First World War, the generation of British authors known collectively as the War Poets revolutionized the popular culture of their time. Due to their changing attitudes towards armed conflict, their portrayal of war chaos included realist descriptions of life in the trenches, unusual choices of subject matter and an eventual challenge to the political and religious establishment of their time. Metal music, a genre with an inherent lyrical and musical concern about chaos and control, has crafted several songs inspired on the First World War poetry. This specific relationship has not been studied before. Based on Weinstein’s and Walser’s insights on chaos and control in metal music, the aim of this article is to evaluate the ability of metal music to either transmit or refute the War Poets’ discourse on chaos, and to study the textual and musical resources metal bands use to relay and control said discourse. For this purpose, I perform a comparative analysis of nine metal music adaptations and appropriations of six different First World War poems they are based on. A chronological path of the evolution of the First World War poetry is followed. The study concludes that, besides effectively transmitting or contesting the War Poets’ discourse on chaos, metal music exerts chaos control through its use of musical resources, especially in the case of extreme metal subgenres.


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