scholarly journals FRANCE'S ORGANIC CHEMICAL INDUSTRY FROM THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY TO THE FIRST WORLD WAR

1989 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Jun Sakudo
Author(s):  
Oksana Shukatka ◽  
Illya Kryvoruchko

The article raises an issue of preservation and strengthening health in pandemic conditions, because self-isolation and restrictions on the movement of people cause the loss of physical activity and the emergence of chronic diseases. It is known that all quarantine restrictions and rules are being created and regulated by the state at the legislative level. We appeal to the primary sources of quarantine legislation for deeper understanding of the issue. The purpose of the article is to investigate the historical background of legal and regulatory legislation on preservation of health in quarantine conditions. The following methods of analysis have been used: comparison and synthesis of theoretical data. The period of formation of quarantine legislation is divided into 3 phases: the period of the Middle Ages, the period before the First World War (the 19th century) and the postwar period. The article investigates the history of conduction of the first quarantine measures in Europe during the Middle Ages and the history of creation of the first quarantine legislation in Venice, Hetmanshchyna and the Russian Empire during the 14th – 18th centuries. It has been revealed that the rules of the fight against the spread of epidemiological diseases were established in the 19th century, the first international sanitary conventions and medical authorities in the Russian and Ottoman Empires were created to slow the spread of such dangerous diseases as cholera, plague and yellow fever, not harming the free international trade at that time. The article analyses the results of the first (1851), the fourth (1874) and the seventh (1892) International Sanitary Conferences and the positive and negative consequences of them. It also describes the creation of the first international medical organisations, such as the Office International d'Hygiène Publique (L'Office International d'Hygiene Publique), established in 1907, the Health Organization of the League of Nations, established in 1923 after the First World War, the Hygiene Committee of the League of Nations, established in 1926, and the World Health Organisation (WHO), established in April, 7, 1948 as the medical authority of the United Nations Organisation. The article generalizes the aims of the above-mentioned organisations and their contribution to the combat against the epidemiological diseases of the first half of the 20th century. It has been concluded that we should adhere to the classical principles of the preservation of health in the conditions of coronavirus pandemic to effectively withstand the spread of this virus.


Author(s):  
Bogdan Ershov

This chapter discusses the processes of capitalization of Russia in the 19th century. It is shown that during the period of imperialism, quantitative and qualitative changes occurred in the composition and position of the Russian bourgeoisie. The economic face of the Russian bourgeoisie, as well as the bourgeoisie of other developed capitalist countries, revealed the most advanced forms of capital organization. But the structure of the upper strata of the Russian bourgeoisie was different from the Western European segment. Before the First World War, two types of Russian capitalists were distinguished, both in origin and in the form of exploitation and organization of capital. During the period of imperialism, Moscow gradually became monopolistic. The Moscow capitalist elite has not yet become a financial oligarchy, it has not created large corporations, and financial and industrial groups.


Author(s):  
Inese Brants

This research paper is an investigation of the techniques used in decoration of Riga faience from the beginning of faience production in Riga in the middle of the 19th century until the First World War. Relatively few products from this period are represented in the Riga History Museum and Riga Porcelain Museum; in the summer of 2016, the author visited 22 regional history and art museums of Latvia and got acquainted with their ceramics collections in order to find more historical artefacts and gain more complete overview of porcelain decoration techniques used for them. Work with museum collections revealed a lot of previously unknown information about the development of decoration techniques during the faience production period in Riga, from 1841 to 1962. The article deals with the problems of faience terminology and development of decoration techniques in the period from 1841 until the First World War. The article offers conclusions on the nature of the collections of Latvian regional museums, their collection–building strategy, preservation conditions, state of the objects and their availability for exploratory work.


Author(s):  
Alīda Zigmunde ◽  
Oļegs Šapovalovs

The article gives an overview of the activities of rubber, gutta-percha and telegraph factory «Prowodnik» in Riga, founded in 1888. Before the First World War, the factory was one of the four largest rubber factories in the world. During the First World War, in 1915, the factory was evacuated to Moscow, in 1918, it was expropriated.  In 1921, the shareholders decided to re-establish «Prowodnik» in its old premises in Riga, but the economic situation had changed. For some years it operated as a woodworking factory (1925–1935), but it never reached the boom it had experienced at the end of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century. At the end of the 1930s the factory was liquidated. The alumni of the Riga Polytechnicum (RP) and Riga Polytechnic Institute (RPI) who had given significant input in its achievements have been identified by the authors of this article.


2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-77
Author(s):  
Luc Boeva

Natievorming en democratisering zijn onderling verweven processen, die sociale, politieke en culturele conflicten inbedden in een functionele politieke eenheid. Het nationalisme biedt, met zijn referentie aan de soevereiniteit van het volk, potentieel voor de democratisering van een samenleving. De in 2007 verschenen colloquiumbundel Natie en Democratie 1890-1921 (o.r.v. Els Witte, Ginette Kurgan-van Hentenryk, Emiel Lamberts e.a) bestudeert het effect van het democratische verruimingsproces op de Belgische natie-staat tijdens de periode 1890-1921, met als onderzoeksvraag: welke interactie had er plaats tussen natie en democratie? België is vanaf 1830 een goed voorbeeld van actieve natievorming; in het laatste kwart van de 19e eeuw was de burgerlijke natiestaat dan ook stevig gevestigd. Op het einde van de 19e eeuw werd het nationale identiteit nog versterkt door de vlugge economische ontwikkeling, de koloniale expansie en de culturele opleving. Dat gaf echter nauwelijks impulsen aan het democratiseringsproces, omdat de voornaamste krachten van het Belgisch nationalisme gevestigde belangen te verdedigen hadden. De democratische hervormingen kwamen zelden tot stand door de nood aan een verdere nationale integratie en de door de burgerlijke elite geconstrueerde Belgische natie diende tot aan WOI niet tot emancipatorische inspiratiebron. De nationalistische exaltatie na WOI versnelde echter het democratiseringsproces en omgekeerd versterkte de democratisering de nationale gevoelens. Het Vlaams-nationalisme, dat in de colloquiumbundel ook aan bod komt, werd dan weer door het democratiseringsproces versterkt. Gedragen door kleine burgerij, boeren en werkmannen, had het immers alles te winnen met een uitbreiding van het stemrecht, inzonderheid het mannelijk algemeen meervoudig stemrecht in 1894. Ook voor het vanaf dan met de Belgische natie concurrerende Vlaamse nationalisme, vormde WOI een waterscheiding. Tijdens en na de oorlog vond daarbij de strategische en ideologische splitsing plaats, die ondermeer verband houdt met de relatie tussen democratie en nationalisme. Dat we überhaupt aan de hand van de Belgische casus geen algemene conclusies kunnen trekken over de relatie natievorming-democratisering, bewijst overigens het comparatief luik in de colloquiumbundel.De relatie met de gemeenschap, de demos en de (al dan niet) democratische vertegenwoordiging is eveneens een belangrijke constante in de bijdrage over het Vlaams-nationalisme van de Gentse academici Bruno De Wever en Antoon Vrints tot een in 2008 verschenen reader over de politieke ideologieën in Vlaanderen (o.r.v. Luk Sanders en Carl Devos).Een aantal stellingen al dan niet gebaseerd op synthetiserende modellen, zwengelt de discussie aan. Dat betreft ondermeer de zgn. C-fase in de Vlaamse beweging, het onderscheid tussen patriottisme en nationalisme en het ideologisch gehalte van nationalisme.Beide publicaties scherpen in ieder geval de honger aan naar meer comparatief onderzoek op internationale schaal. ________The nationalisation of the demos. Two new contributions about nationalism in BelgiumThe formation of a nation and democratisation are two interconnected processes that mould social, political and cultural conflicts into a functional political entity. Nationalism referring to the sovereignty of the people offers potential for the democratisation of a society. The colloquium collection Natie en Democratie 1890-1921, published in 2007 (Editors: Els Witte, Ginette Kurgan-van Hentenryk, Emiel Lamberts and others) studies the effect of the democratic enlargement process on the Belgian nation-state during the period 1890-1921, with the research focusing on the question: what interaction took place between the nation and democracy? From 1830 onwards Belgium was a good example of the active formation of a nation; in the last quarter of the 19th century the civil nation state had therefore acquired a solid foundation. At the end of the 19th century the national identity was reinforced even more by the speedy economic development, the colonial expansion and cultural revival. However, that hardly provided any boost to the democratisation process, because the most prominent forces of Belgian nationalism were defending vested interests. Democratic reforms were rarely realised because of the lack of more national integration, and the Belgian nation, which had been created by the middle class elite did not provide a source for emancipatory inspiration until the First World War. The nationalist exaltation after the First World War however, speeded up the democratisation process and inversely, the democratisation reinforced the national sentiment.Flemish-nationalism in its turn, which is also dealt with in the colloquium collection, was reinforced by the democratisation process. As it found its supporters among the lower middle classes, farmers and workers, it could only gain from an extension of the right to vote, more in particular the right of universal plural voting for men in 1894. World War I was also a watershed for Flemish-nationalism which from that moment on competed with the Belgian nation. During and after the war a strategic and ideological schism took place, which among other things concerns the relationship between democracy and nationalism. The comparative section in the colloquium collection proves moreover that it is not at all possible to draw general conclusions about the relationship between the formation of a nation and democratisation on the basis of the Belgian case.The relationship with the community, the demos and their representation (whether democratic or not) is also an important constant factor in the contribution about Flemish-nationalism by the Ghent academics Bruno De Wever and Antoon Vrints to a reader published in 2008 about political ideologies in Flanders (Editors: Luk Sanders and Carl Devos).A number of propositions whether or not based on synthesizing models cranks up the discussion. This concerns among other things the so-called C-phase in the Flemish Movement, the distinction between patriotism and nationalism and the ideological content of nationalism.At any rate both publications increase our appetite for more comparative research on an international scale.


Author(s):  
Michele Nicoletti

Carl Schmitt’s thought on international relations appears from the outset to be profoundly informed by his reflections on the philosophy of history. In this the German jurist seems to be fully consonant with the climate of his time, of that generation which saw the 19th century ‘concert of Europe’ crumble beneath their feet into the great tragedy of European civil war which began with the First World War. The collapse of the world order thus almost inevitably leads him to question the meaning of history and to be influenced by the ideas of the end of the world and of history, and by the symbols and metaphors connected to this theme, which have been part of Western culture for centuries.


Tempo ◽  
1985 ◽  
pp. 2-7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Oliver

In an age when music has become increasingly mechanistic and more concerned with sound than content; when the language of music has become a veritable tower of Babel addressing itself to minorities of minorities; when dense ingenuity, often accompanied by pages of notes explaining what it is doing, is hardly even penetrable by the eye let alone the ear, and memorability is often more minimal than the minimalists, Hans Gál is bound to be a lone voice. He is, after all, 95 years old and learnt his craft from distinguished masters of the 19th century, imbibing the classical tradition in a world which could still lay some claim to civilization: that is before the First World War set in train increasingly rapid developments in technology and a steady decline in standards. If the artist's task is to reflect the world around him, then he has done this admirably. If he aims to expose society's weaknesses, it would seem that the forces of evil are winning. If he aims to console and heal—creating images of reconciliation in a barren world, as Tippett so tellingly puts it—then Hans Gál has certainly played his part in this reconciliation and it is our loss that his music is so little known in this country. Surprising, too, for he has been with us for nearly 45 years, composing, conducting, teaching, lecturing, and playing, but having no gimmicks to offer, no ad-man to promote him; and thus, being an essentially private man, never seeking to impose himself—‘the most unpushy composer I have ever met’ as one German radio producer puts it—comparatively few have had a chance to discover his worth.


2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW SCHEIN

Abstract:This study examines the type and quality of institutions in Palestine and the correlation between the institutions and economic growth in Palestine from 1516 to 1948. Initially in the 16th century, with the Ottoman conquest of the area, institutions in Palestine involved de facto private user-rights. The level of expropriation by elites was low, and this enabled the people to develop the lands that they had acquired the right to cultivate. In the 17th and 18th centuries, with the exception of the Galilee in the middle of the 18th century, institutions became extractive due to tax farming, rapacious governors and Bedouin raids. From the middle of the 19th century until 1948, there was a second reversal back to private property institutions, first slowly until the First World War, and then more rapidly under the British Mandate after the First World War. When there were private property institutions the economy prospered, while when there were extractive institutions, the economy stagnated.


1977 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 283-286
Author(s):  
Edgar Boyd

In the spring of 1976 I returned from almost three months of research in archives in Lubumbashi, Zaire, the present-day capital of Shaba Region (ex-Katanga). My interest was in any and all records having to do with historical developments affecting Katanga's peoples from the late 19th century through the First World War. As some important changes concerning archival research seem to have taken place since Thomas Reefe's experiences in Shaba in 1972-73 (History in Africa, III, 1976, pp. 187-192) I thought it appropriate to mention some of them and include a few additional thoughts of my own.


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