Political participation and poverty in Colombian indigenous communities: the case of the Zenú and Mokaná peoples

Author(s):  
A. Carolina Bord Niño ◽  
J. Mejía Montalvo
2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-144
Author(s):  
Daniela Arrese

This article explains the obligations the international legal framework on the rights of indigenous peoples imposes on States regarding the right to political participation, in particular, the 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). Because of the historical exclusion and marginalization of these groups, mere recognition of the right of participation in domestic legal systems is insufficient to ensure the full enjoyment of the right by indigenous communities. Instead, States are obliged to adopt active measures to overcome the systemic discrimination indigenous peoples have been subject to. This article focuses on one of the many aspects of political participation, i.e., electoral participation. It provides both a typology and a critical account of different mechanisms States use to increase and promote the participation of indigenous peoples in electoral processes, specifically in elections for legislative bodies and in constitution-making processes. These mechanisms include the provision for reserved seats in parliament, the creation of special indigenous electoral districts, and the establishment of special electoral quotas for candidacies presented by political parties. The article argues that the effectiveness of each approach cannot be evaluated in abstracto, but must be assessed against the particular context in which a specific approach is adopted. Most importantly, the success of any specific approach should be measured by the extent to which they allow indigenous communities to have an actual chance at influencing political decision-making, particularly in situations that affect them.


2010 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 12-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Schlosberg ◽  
David Carruthers

Environmental justice is often defined in terms of the distribution (or maldistribution) of environmental goods and bads. Activists and scholars have also focused on issues of cultural recognition and political participation. This article posits a capabilities-based conception of environmental justice. We argue that environmental challenges raised by indigenous communities demonstrate a broad, complex conception of environmental justice focused on a range of capabilities and basic functionings, at both the individual and community levels. We begin with a theoretical justification for a capabilities-based approach to understanding environmental justice. We then offer two in-depth case studies from the US and Chile, to illustrate our argument that indigenous environmental justice struggles clearly articulate themes of community capabilities and functioning, highlighting the importance of social and cultural reproduction.


Author(s):  
Chelsea Gabel ◽  
Nicole Goodman ◽  
Karen Bird ◽  
Brian Budd

Indigenous communities and organizations are increasingly using digital technologies to build community capacity, strengthen community consultation, and improve political participation. In particular, Internet voting is a type of technology to which First Nations have been drawn. This article explores Whitefish River First Nation's (WRFN) experience introducing Internet voting in the course of ratifying a new matrimonial real property law (MRP). Specifically, we examine the implications of Internet voting for political participation and electoral administration at the community level. Although community members’ uptake of Internet voting was very modest, we find the experience of adoption had other subtle impacts on community capacity, specifically in terms of empowering the community to pass its own laws and connecting youth and elders. With respect to administration, Internet voting provided an opportunity to connect with community members using technology, to modernize voting processes, and to better accommodate community members needs.


Author(s):  
Miguel Centellas

There is surprisingly limited political science scholarship on indigenous political participation and representation in Latin America, per se. While research on Latin America’s indigenous peoples has experienced a boom in recent years—and has long been a staple among anthropologists and sociologists—most of that work takes a decidedly cultural, rather than institutional, approach. That is, there are relatively few works on “ethnic parties” (their electoral performance, their role in legislatures, etc.) of the kind familiar to those who study ethnic politics in India or Europe. Moreover, the existing literature is heavily concentrated in a handful of country cases. This presents a tremendous opportunity for future scholarship, as well as a challenge. The challenges derive primarily from the lack of data on many basic indicators of indigenous participation and representation beyond the aggregate level or from ethnographic studies. Another challenge comes from the thorny issue of how to address mestizaje (the centuries-old blending of European and indigenous cultures) which complicates racial and ethnic categories that drive most theories about “ethnic” politics. The fact that most Latin American countries have overwhelmingly mestizo majorities—and few have sizeable geographically concentrated indigenous communities—also complicate things. A key way in which political scientists have tended to study “ethnic” political participation and representation has been through the study of “ethnic” parties, which are rare in Latin America. Additionally, much of the scholarship on ethnic political mobilization has tended to focus on “successful” cases like Bolivia and Ecuador or cases with vibrant indigenous movements like Mexico or Guatemala, with few studies of ethnic or indigenous politics in other countries, especially countries with very small indigenous populations, such as Brazil or Argentina.


2016 ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Stanislav Kretov

The article offers an inquiry into the development of indigenous political movements in Latin America in 1990-2000, presents the analysis of the political culture of traditional communities as well as analyzes the correlation between the political strategies adopted by ethnic movements and the effectiveness of the political participation of indigenous communities in several Latin America countries.


Crisis ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (6) ◽  
pp. 422-428 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Rouen ◽  
Alan R. Clough ◽  
Caryn West

Abstract. Background: Indigenous Australians experience a suicide rate over twice that of the general population. With nonfatal deliberate self-harm (DSH) being the single most important risk factor for suicide, characterizing the incidence and repetition of DSH in this population is essential. Aims: To investigate the incidence and repetition of DSH in three remote Indigenous communities in Far North Queensland, Australia. Method: DSH presentation data at a primary health-care center in each community were analyzed over a 6-year period from January 1, 2006 to December 31, 2011. Results: A DSH presentation rate of 1,638 per 100,000 population was found within the communities. Rates were higher in age groups 15–24 and 25–34, varied between communities, and were not significantly different between genders; 60% of DSH repetitions occurred within 6 months of an earlier episode. Of the 227 DSH presentations, 32% involved hanging. Limitations: This study was based on a subset of a larger dataset not specifically designed for DSH data collection and assesses the subset of the communities that presented to the primary health-care centers. Conclusion: A dedicated DSH monitoring study is required to provide a better understanding of DSH in these communities and to inform early intervention strategies.


2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael E. Morrell ◽  
Pinar Uyan Semerci

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Coppens ◽  
David F. Lancy ◽  
Pablo Chavajay ◽  
Katie G. Silva-Chavez ◽  
Jean Briggs ◽  
...  

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