War at Our Own Doors

Author(s):  
A. Wilson Greene

This chapter provides the geographic, operational, social, and economic background to the Petersburg Campaign. It introduces the commanders of the four armies involved in the campaign and outlines the conduct of the brutal fighting in May and early June that brought the Civil War to the outskirts of Richmond, the Confederate capital. The chapter also provides a brief history of the City of Petersburg, seventh largest metropolis in the Confederacy, and explains why it was such an important military target.

Author(s):  
Mytrofanenko Yu.

The purpose of the work. The article aims to study the problems of Ukrainian Revolution in 1917–1921 on a territory of Kirovograd or Dnipropetrovsk region. The type of article is empirical. An unrenowned episode from the history of Ukrainian Revolution in 1917–1921 is analyzed in the article, in particular, the participation of the citizens of Katerunoslavska province in Kamianske town in the events of “National rebellion” in 1918 in Elysavetgrad against Bolsheviks and anarchists. Results and scientific novelty of the study. The author attracted attention to the geographical mistake in the memoirs of V. Antonov-Ovseenko “Notes About Civil War”. The scientific novelty, that author explaine, that he confused the names of the cities: Katerynoslav and Elysavetgrad. The reasons and consequences of the participation of workers of Dniprovskyi plant in Kamianske city in the events of Elysavetgrad national rebellion are determined in the article on the basis of sources. For a long time Bolsheviks concealed, shifted responsibility to their political opponents and then erased from the pages of censored memoirs of participants of revolutionary events the episode of battles between Kamianske and Elysavetgrad workers because it did not fit into the concept of “class struggle” in the history of revolution in Ukraine. The main result of Kamianske workers deception was the numerous victims on both sides. Only the leaflet spread by Elysavetgrad headquarters of the city protection among Kamianske citizens and the end of battles near Elysavetgrad stopped the following bloodshed. Nevertheless, in their memoirs Bolsheviks from Kamianske continued to accentuate that those were they who had established the Soviet power in Elysavetgrad, continued to be proud of the participation in the attempt of helping Bolsheviks to invade Elysavetgrad. The author originality is refutes these statements on the basis of resources. The material of the article may have practical application in scientific studios on the history of Ukrainian Revolution in 1917–1921 on a territory of Kirovograd or Dnipropetrovsk regionKey words: revolution, rebellion, bolshevics, anarchists, Red guard, mishap, Katerynoslav, Elysavetgrad, Kamianske. Мета роботи. Стаття присвячена аналізу маловідомого епізоду революційного періоду 1917–1921 рр. на теренах сучасних Кіровоградської та Дніпропетровської областей. Проаналізовано документи Єлисаветградської міської думи, мемуари учасників подій: Володимира Антонова-Овсієнка та червоногвардійців Дніпровського металургійного заводу м. Кам’янське. В статті на основі джерел розглянуто цей епізод Української революції 1917–1921 рр., визначено причини та наслідки участі робітників Дніпровського заводу м. Кам’янське в подіях Єлисаветградського народного повстання.Результати та наукова новизна дослідження. З’ясовані обставини участі робітників Кам’янського заводу у придушенні «Народного повстання» в Єлисаветграді. Вони були в складі червоногвардійських частин, яких кинули на підтримку більшо-викам та анархістам, що протягом кількох днів безуспішно намагалися оволодіти Єлисаветградом. Доведено, що Володимир Антонов-Овсієнко автор спогадів «Записки про громадянську війну» припустився помилки, що стало причиною географічного казусу. Він сплутав назви міст: Катеринослав та Єлисаветград. Також встановлено, що червоногвардійці Кам’янського стали жертвами більшовицької провокації, які використали їхню необізнаність у ситуації, яка склалася в Єлисаветграді та відправили на фронт. З’ясовано долю кам’янчан, які брали участь в боях під Єлисаветградом.Емпірична стаття написана на різноманітних першоджерелах. Здійснено верифікацію спогадів кам’янських більшовиків, які неправдиво описали результат бою та рушійні сили Єлисаветградського народного повстання. Матеріал статті має прак-тичне застосування. Зокрема, копії документів, використані автором, поповнили експозиції Кам’янського краєзнавчого музею, а факти та узагальнення використовуються під час екскурсії. Під час написання статті було використано метод історичної критики джерел та текстологічного аналізу, застосовано регіональний метод Ключові слова: «народне повстання», більшовики, червоногвардійці, анархісти, «революція, Єлисаветград, Катеринослав, Кам’янське.


1996 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 382
Author(s):  
Richard B. McCaslin ◽  
Robert N. Rosen
Keyword(s):  

Prospects ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 169-196
Author(s):  
Guy Szuberla

Some time after the Civil War, writers of American etiquette books marked the rise of the city by introducing new sections on “etiquette in the street” and “conduct in a crowd.” No one should look to their texts and the accompanying illustrations for a faithfully detailed and documented history of 19th-century city life. The stiff, cutout figures that walk through city streets in these old line drawings represent a particular fantasy of social order, focused in the figure and type of the lady and gentleman. “Walk slowly, do not turn your head … and,” The Ladies' Book of Etiquette (1876) warned, “avoid any gesture or word that would attract attention.” That advice is illustrated, with punctilious care, in Gentleman Meeting a Lady, a line drawing in John Young's 1882 guide, Our Deportment (Figure 1). The gentleman and the lady make no apparent eye contact; they, in strict observance of propriety, look off and away from each other. Again, in Alice Emma Ives's Social Mirror (1886), the ladies who illustrate the way to give a gentleman “formal street recognition” grant it with averted eyes and unturned heads. Ives quite properly avoids the word “meet” (Figure 2).


Author(s):  
Hashim Sarkis

A few lines before the end of The Tiller of Waters, the protagonist, Nicholas Mitri, wakes up after his death in a void. Once he orients himself, he realizes that this void is actually the center of Beirut that he has inhabited alone during the 1975–1990 civil war and that he has been desperately trying to narrate and preserve throughout the novel. Mitri, a Greek Orthodox man from the predominantly Muslim West Beirut, had been forced out of his house by Shiite Muslim refugees from South Lebanon who had, in turn, been displaced by an Israeli invasion. Homeless, he drifts to his father’s textile shop in downtown Beirut, the contested battle zone between Christian East and Muslim West Beirut. There, he lives alone like Robinson Crusoe in the wilderness of the city center and recounts his family’s story and the history of the different peoples and religious groups that inhabited his life and the prewar city. The house where he lived with his Greek Alexandrian parents and with the Kurdish maid he loved, the shop owned by a Sunni Muslim next to his father’s in the bazaar of downtown Beirut, and the parlor where his mother was trained by an Armenian piano teacher are all eventually wiped out—not by the war but by the reconstruction project. The void, at the end of the story, represents the futility of his efforts to preserve the places. The buildings and streets, it turns out, are more fragile than the memories that inhabit them. The civil war that entrapped Mitri was triggered in 1975 by disagreements between Lebanon’s Christians and Muslims over the presence and power of the Palestinian militias in Lebanon. The war would briefly stop in 1977, with the intervention of Arab forces led by Syria, only to be resumed again, this time with the participation of the Syrians on the side of the Palestinians and Muslims. When the Israelis invaded Lebanon in 1982 to support the Christians and expel the Palestinians, the war took on an international scope with a failed American and European military intervention.


2018 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
pp. 04011
Author(s):  
Hari Hajaruddin Siregar ◽  
Petrus Natalivan ◽  
Agus Suharjono Ekomadyo

The city of Medan was formed from a rapidly growing plantation industry in the 1800s. The area that was originally only a village called Medan Putri with a population of about 200 people slowly changed since the Dutch investors saw the prospect of tobacco plantations in this region (Sinar, 2006). The amount of manpower needed to manage the plantation resulted in the investors bringing labor from Java, China and also Tamil. Moving the central government of the Deli Sultanate to Medan in 1891 increasingly crowded Medan at that time. The Arabs, Mining, Mandailing, and Aceh began to arrive for trading purposes as Medan began to grow and become more crowded. The study focused on locating the genius loci of Medan City through tracing the historical meaning by adapting the method undertaken by Norberg Schultz in tracing the spirit of the place and genius loci. The result of the analysis shows the role of culture and economic background that plays a major role in the formation of the character of Medan City center. The city is formed from the history of the plantation industry as well as the diverse cultures that share the same attachment and goals in the economic field.


1983 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Joseph Birken

In the mélange of conflicting theories on the origins of the English Civil War, a number of English social groups have received scrupulous attention. Storms have brewed over the gentry, the aristocracy, and more recently, “the middle sort of people” in town and countryside. Even the rural peasantry, traditionally neglected by historians, have not been overlooked in the most recent debates. Surprisingly, little attention has been paid to the English professional classes although studies of the clerical and legal professions have been forthcoming of late. Perhaps worst served of all in the ongoing war of scholars has been the English medical profession. The recent historiography on English physicians and their relationship to the Civil War can be briefly summarized.The little work that has been done on professional physicians revolves almost exclusively around the fellowship of the Royal College of Physicians of London. In 1964, in a distinguished history of the college, Sir George Clark suggested that the fellowship probably leaned to the royalist cause, but out of political expediency accommodated itself to the reality of parliament's power in the City of London. Referring to the events of 1642 and 1643, Clark wrote:The College as a body could not have done anything for the King if it had wished to. In London this authority was ended and if the College was to perform its duties there it had no choice but to recognize the de facto rulers..


Author(s):  
Marta Camps Calvet ◽  
Santiago Gorostiza ◽  
David Saurí Pujol

Urban agriculture is key when food security is threatened, as in the cases of wars, which disrupt food production, conservation, transportation, and distribution systems. During the two World Wars of the 20th century, governments mobilized civilians to participate in food production and to increase morale by contributing to the war effort from the rearguard. Unlike these cases, food production in Spanish cities during the civil war of 1936-1939 has received little attention. Using documentation from different public and private archives, press clips, and personal testimonies, this article explores the socio-environmental history of agricultural production in Barcelona during the Spanish Civil War. On the one hand, we analysed the collectivization of agriculture in the municipality of Barcelona, carried out by the Colectividad Agrícola de Barcelona y su Radio (CNT), involving at its peak some 3,500 workers managing 850 hectares of crops. On the other hand, this Collective coexisted with an expansion of home gardens for self-consumption in the city as food supplies became scarcer. Both initiatives contributed to maintaining a precarious food supply until the occupation of the city by Franco's troops in January 1939.


Author(s):  
Emília Ferreira

After several failures in the artistic education in Portugal, throughout the 18th century, the 19th century was still to bring a few setbacks. Social and political upheavals marked the first years of the century, with the invasions of Napoleonic armies and the civil war. In this chapter I will tell the history of the birth of the first public art museum, created in Porto in 1833. The meeting of the future king D. Pedro IV and the artist Baptista Ribeiro was about to make history. Indeed, when Baptista Ribeiro delivered the prince a report on the need to create a public art museum in the city, the prince couldn't be happier. He then invited Baptista Ribeiro to organize it, giving all his support to the creation of the first public art museum in the nation. It would, in fact, take more than a 100 years to match the dream of its first director. But in the meantime, it surely achieved more than he could expect.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-64
Author(s):  
Daniel Gaido

Abstract In Marxist circles it is common to refer to Karl Marx’s The Civil War in France for a theoretical analysis of the historical significance of the Paris Commune, and to Prosper-Olivier Lissagaray’s History of the Commune of 1871 for a description of the facts surrounding the insurrection of the Paris workers and its repression by the National Assembly led by Adolphe Thiers. What is less well-known is that Marx himself oversaw the German translation of Lissagaray’s book and made numerous additions to it. In this article we describe Marx’s addenda to Lissagaray’s work, showing how they contribute to concretising his analysis of the Paris Commune and how they relate to the split in the International Working Men’s Association between Marxists and anarchists that took place after the Commune’s defeat. We also show how Marx’s additions to the German version of Lissagaray’s book were linked to his involvement with the recently created Socialist Workers’ Party of Germany and to his criticism of the programme it had adopted at the congress celebrated in the city of Gotha.


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