Black Confederates on the Front Lines of the Civil War Sesquicentennial

Author(s):  
Kevin M. Levin

African Americans have long played a role in legitimizing the loyal slave and black Confederate myth. For instance, H. K. Edgerton, is a well known and outspoken neo-confederate who downplays the role of slavery in the south before, during, and after the Civil War. Some African Americans have embraced the Confederacy as a means to celebrate their ancestors who they believe fought in the war and have been forgotten or ignored. Small numbers of Black men have been recruited as Confederate soldiers in Civil War re-enactments to perpetuate the myth of positive race relations in the confederacy. Overall, support for the Confederacy is waning with the Black Lives Matter movement, the adoption of the battle flag by hate groups, and a sustained effort by various groups to accurately educate the public about the role of slavery in the Civil War. For example, the National Parks Service titled the sesquicentennial “Civil War to Civil Rights” which placed slavery and emancipation at the center of the Civil War discussion.

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-558
Author(s):  
Roman N. Lunkin

In the article analyzed the social and political consequences of pandemic of coronavirus for the Russian Orthodox Church in the context of the reaction of different European churches on the quarantine rules and critics towards the church inside Russia. The author used the structural-functional and institutional approaches for the evaluation of the activity of the Russian Orthodox Church, was analyzed the sources of mass-media and the public claims of the clergy. In the article was made a conclusion that Orthodox Church expressed itself during the struggle with coronavirus as national civic institute where could be represented various even polar views. Also the parish activity leads to the formation of the democratic society affiliated with the Church and the role of that phenomenon have to be explored in a future. The coronacrisis makes open the inner potential of the civic activity and different forms of the social service in Russian Church. In the same time pandemic provoked the development of the volunteer activity in the around-church environment and also in the non-church circles among the young people and the generation of 40th age where the idea of the social responsibility for themselves and people around and the significance of the civil rights was one of the popular ideas till 2019. The conditions of the self-isolation also forced the clergy to struggle for their parishioners and once again renovate the role of the church in the society and in the cyber space.


Author(s):  
Otis W. Pickett

This chapter focuses on John Lafayette Girardeau, a Presbyterian leader who, after the Civil War, simultaneously worked to shape churchly reform and Lost Cause religiosity. Girardeau's postbellum ecclesiastical reform in ordaining African Americans and pushing for their ecclesiastical equality places him among emancipationists. However, his work on the battlefield as a Confederate chaplain, his aid to the public in coping with death and destruction after the Civil War, and his service as pastor of an integrated church places him in the reconciliationist camp. Meanwhile, his work as a defender of the Lost Cause, which helped justify the racial violence perpetuated by Lost Cause adherents, places him within the emerging norms of a white supremacist vision. Ultimately, Girardeau's life and world presents a much more complex picture than his missionary activity, representative Calvinism, efforts toward ecclesiastical reform, or Lost Cause ideology reveal.


2020 ◽  
pp. 39-68
Author(s):  
Brian Taylor

This chapter looks at the first two years of the Civil War, when black men were barred from serving in the US Army. It follows the debate that black Northerners conducted about the proper response to the call to serve in the US military, which they were sure would come at some point. Immediate enlistment advocates sparred with those who counseled withholding enlistment until African Americans’ demands had been met. Black Northerners began to articulate the terms under which they would serve the Union, among which citizenship emerged as central, as well as the changes necessary to bring lived reality in the United States in line with the founding principle of equality.


2015 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chloe N. Thurston

Scholarship on the U.S. public–private welfare state has pointed to the ways in which indirect, market-based channels of social policy provision often obscure the role of the government from many citizens who use these programs. This article argues that the same mechanisms that often depoliticize public–private policies for citizens who already benefit from them may actually politicize them for citizens who are unable to access those benefits. Focusing on the responses of black civil rights and veterans advocacy groups to the shortcomings of the Federal Housing Administration and the early GI Bill, it shows that public–private policies can draw advocacy groups, providers, and the state into conflicts over the terms of access. Despite facing very different challenges and bringing very different political capacities to bear, these two types of groups followed precisely the same processes of political mobilization and contestation in each case: First, they aggregated individual grievances into broader collective problems. Then, they traced those problems not to impersonal market mechanisms but to government policies and state authority. Finally, they pushed for reform across multiple venues to expand access for their members. By explicating these recurrent political dynamics, this article contributes to our understanding of policy feedback in the public–private welfare state and highlights the role of advocacy groups in helping to reshape the state's capacity to govern in a policy arena that is often characterized as dominated by third-party providers.


Author(s):  
Mark Rush

This article discusses the evolution of U.S. civil rights and civil liberties through the lens of Supreme Court decisions. It traces the evolution of negative rights against the state and positive liberties from nineteenth-century property rights decisions through early-twenty-first century decisions regarding same-sex marriage. It also traces the shift in the Court’s approach to rights cases from one in which the state is regarded as a threat to individual rights to one in which the state plays a complex role of balancing rights claims. As well, the article demonstrates that rights claims and cases have become more complex as notions of the “public interest” become more contested when the pursuit of general interests has a disproportionate effect on the interests of particular social groups.


Author(s):  
Edward J. Blum

Examining debates about the person, place, and meaning of Jesus Christ in African American social development, creative expression, political thought, civil rights activism, international visions, and economic plans, this article suggests that religious discussions have revealed robust democratic cultures. From the age of slavery to the era of Obama, religious discussions and political cultures have been intertwined. Spiritual debates have played a role in community formation; individualism and universalism have worked in tandem; and Jesus Christ—a provincial figure executed thousands of years ago—became essential to international and political visions. This article suggests that Jesus functioned historically in two prominent political ways for African Americans. First, he stood as a counterpoint to American racism that limited the social, legal, political, and cultural rights of African Americans. Second, he functioned as a focus of intraracial and interracial debate, dialogue, and dissension over the role of religion in black politics.


1993 ◽  
Vol 18 (03) ◽  
pp. 453-478
Author(s):  
Linda C. A. Przybyszewski

While legal papers and case decisions have been the traditional focus of judicial biography, the family papers of Justice John Marshall Harlan the Elder demonstrate the importance for understanding a judge's conception of the polity of shifting our sights to the household. Historians of the 19th century have overestimated the distance between the private and the public spheres. The memoirs of Harlan's wife Malvina offer us unparalleled, and hitherto neglected, testimony. Her depiction of the antebellum Harlan household shows its two hierarchies based on assumptions of fundamental differences—those of gender and of race—and both positing a benevolent white male paternalist at their apex. Malvina Harlan's memoirs indicate the lifelong persistence of this paternalism in her own relationship with Justice Harlan and in his relationship with a black servant. These patterns of hierachy, separation, and mutual devotion were essential to Harlan's understanding of his family identity and personal duty. His famous dissents in favor of black civil rights protections and his lapses from his color-blind rule have their roots in this paternalism even as Harlan came to embrace the racial egalitarianism of the Civil War amendments.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 108-125
Author(s):  
Justin Selner

The prevailing assumption that race-relations have equalized in America is largely based on an incorrect and misinformed understanding of current socio-economic policies and public behaviors. The continued racialization and discrimination towards African-Americans may be linked to strategic efforts that seek to preserve the dominance and authority of whiteness. This paper examines such claims within the context of the post civil rights movement, with specific attention given to the media, education system, and implementations of social justice.


2016 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 402-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Birch

AbstractAlthough there is considerable documentation of women preachers during the English Civil War period and the Interregnum, it is clear that such activities were not encouraged among English Calvinistic Baptists, and most especially among Particular Baptists. Yet there was a tension in even the most restrictive Baptist teaching on this subject. For since Baptists had opened the door to congregational participation in the public ministry of the church, they were faced with the problem of partially closing that door in order to restrict the ministry of women to that ofdiakonia, and good works. Nevertheless, a small number of women have been identified as both prophets and Particular Baptists, and the nature and context of their ministry illustrates the role of women in early Baptist communities.


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