scholarly journals #occupyoureducation

2013 ◽  
pp. 39-47
Author(s):  
Cathy Borck ◽  
Jesse Goldstein ◽  
Steve McFarland ◽  
Alyson Spurgas

In the fall of 2011, Jesse was invited to teach an Occupy Wall Street-inspired course in the Political Science Department at Brooklyn College, a campus of The City University of New York (CUNY). In the spirit of Occupy’s horizontalism, self-organization, and de-centering of authority, Jesse reached out to people in his political-academic networks, asking if anyone wanted to join him in team-teaching the course. A handful of doctoral students from the CUNY Graduate Center responded with interest, and six of us moved forward as the instructors, or “Team Taught,” as we referred to ourselves.

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 237802311770065 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam D. Reich

The relationship between social movements and formal organizations has long been a concern to scholars of collective action. Many have argued that social movement organizations (SMOs) provide resources that facilitate movement emergence, while others have highlighted the ways in which SMOs institutionalize or coopt movement goals. Through an examination of the relationship between Occupy Wall Street and the field of SMOs in New York City, this article illustrates a third possibility: that a moment of insurgency becomes a more enduring movement in part through the changes it induces in the relations among the SMOs in its orbit.


Resonance ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 264-280
Author(s):  
John Vilanova

This research explores a set of sound technologies deployed during the 2011 Occupy Wall Street protests in New York City’s Zuccotti Park. It examines the People’s Microphone, the Long Range Acoustic Device (LRAD) sound cannon, the drum circle, and the noise complaint. Deepening understandings of their places within the contemporary urban soundscape and their use during the protests, it uses historical research, textual analysis, and qualitative discourse analysis methods to explore the technologies within a larger framework of the city’s discourses around (in)appropriate sound and action. Its findings suggest that each individual technology was evidence for the nature of its user in a way that presaged how the conflict would play out. The microphone epitomized the ideology (and fragility) of the hyper-democratic Occupiers’ ethos. The LRAD suggested the state’s superlative sonic capability and its “monopoly on the legitimate use of noise.” And the drum circles and noise complaints that followed ultimately showed the ways “noise-making” is better understood as a discursive construction that delegitimizes sound. Together, they suggest the ways the hegemonic soundscape serves the status quo. The essay also elaborates a taxonomy of sonic terms, specifically exploring volume, amplification, and noise-making as terms that explain the dynamics of sound during protest. It offers scholars of media activism a toolkit for sound studies that gets at the dynamics and structures of sonic power and explores the way sound-making is a key battleground of modernity. Sound conventions are a way that contemporary society is codified, legislated, and contested.


Author(s):  
Joseph R. Fitzgerald

The final chapter briefly touches on Richardson’s second divorce but focuses on her difficulties finding and keeping employment. After holding a series of jobs in various corporate and not-for-profit agencies, Richardson eventually earned a permanent civil service position with the City of New York, where she worked until the twenty-first century. In one way or another, all her jobs involved some kind of social justice. Over the last five decades, Richardson has paid close attention to social change movements, including Occupy Wall Street and Black Lives Matter, and this chapter discusses her thoughts about them, particularly her view that young people have the capability and vision to lead the nation to greater freedom, just as young people did in the 1960s. She advises them to replicate the group-centered and member-driven model student activists employed in the early 1960s and to avoid becoming ideological.


2020 ◽  
pp. 104-139
Author(s):  
Sharon Zukin

Profiling New York–based venture capitalists and VC firms that have been established in the city since the early 2000s, the chapter examines their risky but privileged perch between Wall Street and Silicon Valley. Interviews with VCs are juxtaposed with the post–World War II history of venture capital as a distinctive form of investment and management. The VCs’ equally distinctive commitment to New York is then contrasted with the increasing geographical dispersal of their investment funds to other regions of the world. Meanwhile, the integration of some corporate and VC members of the tech “community” into New York’s business establishment suggests the formation of a local tech-financial elite, updating C. Wright Mills’s critique of the institutional bases of power.


Author(s):  
Andrew Cornell

Something of a revolution in anarchist thought occurred during the 1940s and early 1950s, much of it centered in New York City. World War II divided the small contingent of U.S. anarchists active during the Depression years, as many movement veterans reluctantly endorsed the Allies as the only viable means of defeating fascism. However, a new generation of activists -- many of them recent college graduates -- established journals and organizations that rejected participation in the war, often on pacifist grounds, and that began to reevaluate central tenets of anarchist theory. This chapter explores the milieu that developed in New York City, Woodstock, NY, and rural New Jersey at mid-century, focusing on three "little magazines" that supported and influenced one another: Politics, Why?, and Retort. Although anarchism was at a numerical nadir during these years, a tight-knit community of artists, theorists, and radical pacifists developed ideas, tactics, and aesthetics that reshaped anarchism so fundamentally that they remain prominent today in the Occupy Wall Street demonstrations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 733-751
Author(s):  
Tamara J. Lynn ◽  
L. Susan Williams

This paper demonstrates how print media sources frame the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street in ways that, consciously or not, support the prevailing status quo – social, economic, and political elites. The study employs critical discourse analysis (CDA) as the analytic framework, investigating how print media (sometimes referred to as ‘print capitalism’) utilized framing techniques that disparaged the two political organizations but in very different ways. The analysis incorporates articles appearing in the New York Post and the New York Times from the inception of each organization, through six weeks after the 2012 Presidential Inauguration; articles were coded to uncover themes that defined both organizations as ‘outsiders.’ Tea Partiers are characterized as irrational demagogues, while Occupy Wall Street (OWS) activities are criminalized; both are dismissed as irrelevant, leaving the predominant ‘mainstream’ political rule intact. Findings identify tools of discourse used by media to limit the influence of competing movements while essentially protecting the status quo. Revealing these tools provides clues to unreliable discourse in media coverage of presidential candidates, which tends to quash open debate and threaten principles of participatory government.


Author(s):  
Heather Gautney

Occupy Wall Street (OWS) is a massive protest movement calling for radical social change and an end to unbridled corruption. OWS emerged in September 2011 in New York with highly confrontational demonstrations against the Wall Street banks, and a small encampment in the city’s financial district. Within weeks, hundreds of local camps emerged throughout the U.S., along with ongoing series of vehement, decentralized protest actions. Much to the chagrin of the American political establishment, OWS operates as an elusive and flexible, “leaderless” organization, without a centralized authority or party affiliation, and uses occupation as a primary form of protest. This paper looks at the ways in which the movements’ leaderless organization and egalitarian social vision were/are deeply influenced by anarchist principles like anti-authoritarianism (anti-statism), anti-capitalism, direct action, and prefiguration. It then discusses attempts by Occupy camps, such as those in New York, Philadelphia, and Oakland, to repossess spaces, rights, and other forms of social wealth within different urban contexts. It analyzes how the Occupy camps, as well as innovations like the General Assemblies, spokescouncils, and social media formations, are transforming urban landscapes and creating new forms of social and political engagement based on anarchist praxis.


Author(s):  
Sharon Zukin

It’s a Saturday afternoon in mid-July and the city is swooning in 96-degree heat and fearsome humidity. You think it will be cooler out on the water than in the subway, so you line up at the Wall Street pier in Lower Manhattan to take the free water taxi across the East River to Red Hook, on the Brooklyn waterfront. The ride is sponsored by IKEA, the Swedish big-box chain that opened its first New York City outpost in Red Hook a few weeks earlier. Because the neighborhood is notoriously difficult to reach on public transportation and IKEA is hoping to lure shoppers whose apartments are starved for Scandinavian modern couches but who don’t own cars, the store has decided to sponsor water taxis from Manhattan. They have a system to discourage free riders from Brooklyn. You get your hand stamped before you walk onto the ferry so the taxi company’s employees, on IKEA’s instructions, can refuse to carry any passenger on the return trip who didn’t come to Brooklyn to make a purchase. Sitting on the top deck of the ferry, you’re caught up in an air of joyful anticipation. The small boat is full, with more than thirty passengers, some of them young children and their parents, all smiling and laughing from the unusual pleasure of being out on the water on a sunny afternoon, and from the pleasure of a shopping trip as well. The kids snap photos with cell phone cameras, everyone admires the Statue of Liberty on the other side of the harbor, and a few passengers point out the artificial waterfalls designed by the Scandinavian artist Olafur Eliasson that have been installed on the river for the summer as a public art project. Though the ride takes less than ten minutes, it’s the kind of entertainment New Yorkers love: a chance to act like tourists on the town.


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