Krieg und Frieden. Land und Militär in direkter Konfrontation 1797–1918

2021 ◽  
pp. 331-358
Author(s):  
Willibald Rosner
Keyword(s):  
Dominant Factor ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
The Social ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World

War and Peace. Land and Military in Direct Confrontation 1797–1918. This chapter focuses on the extremes in relations between the land and the military. The first part deals with the period until 1866, when wars actually took place on Lower Austrian soil and foreign forces were stationed in the land. Here the analysis centres on strategies developed by the population to cope with extraordinary situations. The second section deals with the emergence of the military as a state regulatory power in the sphere of internal and public security in war and peace. The social conflicts following the Vormärz and the political movements in the second half of the 19th century played a role here, as did the First World War, when, although Lower Austria was not a frontline area, the military were the dominant factor in terms of internal security, public control, working life and food security.

scholarly journals EL NACIONALISMO FRANQUISTA. Catolicismo, antiliberalismo, fascismo

Cliocanarias ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-43
Author(s):  
Miguel Ángel Perfecto García ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
First World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Francisco Franco ◽  
The Social ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Political Model ◽  
First World ◽  
Social Level

The regime of general Francisco Franco imposed a nationalist model from two ideological sources: the nationalcatholicism, an antiliberal proposal of the Catholic Church that identified Spain with catholicism; and the anti-liberal and fascist alternatives born in the heat of the European political-social crisis and Spanish of the First World War. The political model was strongly centralist, authoritarian and interventionist around Castile and the Castilian language, rejecting the other nationalist models. At the social level, the corporate proposal stood out by means of the compulsory framing of workers and businessmen in the Spanish Organización Sindical, the unique trade union of Francoism led by the unique party Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS

Partito, rivoluzione e guerra. Il linguaggio politico di un transfuga: Nicola Bombacci (1879-1945)

2009 ◽  
pp. 155-175
Author(s):  
Steven Forti
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Language ◽  
The Social ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

- Nicola Bombacci was an important PSI's leader during the First World War and the biennio rosso (1919-1920). After his expulsion from the PCd'I, of which was one of the founders, he approached fascism and became one of the last supporters of it since he had been shooted by partisans and died in Como Lake, and had been exposed in Loreto Square beside to Mussolini. After a short historical mention of the Bombacci's political life, these pages will analyse deeper the question of the passage from the left to fascism in interwar Italy, through the analyse of his political language. The method executed in order to analyse the question foresees the use of a biography by dates and the identification of the political interpretation's categories, which permit to carry out a comparison between the social-communist and fascist period. In conclusions, the article proposes a thesis of interpretation: the political passion.Parole chiave: Fascismo, Nazione, Rivoluzione, Classe, Guerra, Passione politica Fascism, Nation, Revolution, Class, War, Political passion

LEGITIMITET VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA – IDEALIZAM BEZ REALNOG UPORIŠTA

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miroslav Đorđević ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
The Road ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Election Results ◽  
New Nation ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Political Actions ◽  
First World

The Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (KSHS) of 1921 had for its goal to constitutionalize the organization of the new state, created after the end of the First World War: its organization of government, human and minority rights and freedoms, etc. and also to establish a new nation – the so called "nation with three names" or "three-tribe nation", i.e. – Yugoslavs, as the bearer of the identity of the new state. KSHS was to reconcile not only the nations with different history, mentality and language, but also nations who fought each other fiercely just until a few years back before the adoption of the Vidovdan Constitution. The constitutionalization of a unitary state in which the official language is "Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian" (which as such simply does not exist), ignored clear signals that the essential legitimacy for such state does not exist in a significant part of the country. The analysis of the political activities of the parties, their programs and the election results in the western territories of what was soon to become KSHS (especially in Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia – back then within the Austro-Hungary) shows a distinct anti-Serbian and especially anti-Yugoslav narrative since the middle of the 19th century and the political actions of Ante Starčević, Eugen Kvaternik, later Ivo Pilar and others. It is also clear that such chauvinist, extreme political standpoints, present to a far greater extent to be simply ignored, would turn out to be too much of a burden for the new state and nation, as well as for the Vidovdan Constitution itself, indirectly leading to its infamous end, declaration of dictatorship, assassination of King Alexander Karađorđević and finally the disintegration of the state and horrendous atrocities and genocide against Serbs in the Independent state of Croatia (NDH). In a certain way, the Vidovdan Constitution, due to the shortcomings in its legitimacy, traced the road to hell – paved with good intentions.

Reflections on the significance of the Congress of Vienna

1986 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 313-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Langhorne
Keyword(s):  
International Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Foreign Policy ◽  
International Environment ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Foreign Office ◽  
The Status ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
First World

The Final Act of Congress of Vienna was signed on June 9, 1815. More accurately, because of Napoleon's escape and the consequent battle of Waterloo, the Vienna settlement was completed with the signature of the second Treaty of Paris on November 20s 1815. There is thus no doubt that last year marks the 170th anniversary of the settlement. There is equally no doubt that in many ways 1815 has come to seem very remote. There are no great historical arguments in progress about it, nor does it seem to attract any great interest from the students of international relations, unless their attention is actually drawn to it. So it may be as well to remember that the Vienna settlement has generated much more substantial debate at other times. Very soon after its making, it began to be said that the settlement represented a failed attempt to control, at worst, or suppress, at best, the two doctrines that were to be the political foundation of the 19th century: liberalism and nationalism. By the end of the century this attitude had intensified. In any case, the immense social and political changes which were moulding the modern state structure were beginning to create a new kind of international environment in which the ‘unspoken’ as well as deliberate assumptions of 1815 were less relevant. Approved or not, in practical terms, the settlement remained as a basis for the conduct of international politics until 1914, and thus was the obvious point of departure for discussion about the new settlement which would have to be made when the First World War ended. It is not surprising therefore to find that part of the British preparation for the Paris Peace Conference, which were made by the Political Intelligence Department of the Foreign Office, was a study of the Congress of Vienna by C. K. Webster. It is a somewhat routine piece, and his treatment of the subject was much better based and wider ranging in his monumental study of British foreign policy under Lord Castlereagh. It contained, however, one conclusion which may have had an important effect on the way in which the 1919 settlement was arrived at. Webster said that it had been an error on the part of the allies to have permitted the French to be present at Vienna because of the successful attempt by Talleyrand to insert France into the discussions of the other great powers. It has of course been subsequently felt that one of the cardinal respects in which Vienna was more, sensible than Versailles was precisely in that the French were included and became in effect joint guarantors of the agreement. Whether anything fundamental would have been different had the same been done for the Weimar republic is open to question, but there can be no doubt that the circumstances at the time and afterwards would have been greatly easier had the agenda of post-war international politics not had to include the status of Germany as a first item.

scholarly journals Yerevan 1924: master plan

2020 ◽  
pp. 172-180
Author(s):  
Elena Bagina ◽  
Margarita Arustamyan
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
First World War ◽  
Master Plan ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Social ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Armenian Diaspora ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World

The master plan of Yerevan created in 1924 by Alexander Tamanyan and Nikolay Buniatyan is a reflection of the military-political situation prevailing in Armenia after the First World War, the genocide of 1915, the revolutions in Turkey and Russia, the social illusions of the Armenian diaspora and political parties that set out to create an independent Republic of Armenia as a center for the preservation of Armenian culture. The change in the “client” of this project and the political plans did not affect the idea of a “garden city” and the planning principles laid down by Tamanyan. The activities of the Armenian Assistance Committee made it possible to realize the ideas of the master plan.

Nonconformity and Electoral Sociology, 1867–1918

1984 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 633-656 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. W. Bebbington
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Characteristic Pattern ◽  
Social Bond ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Class Politics ◽  
The Social ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Regional Character ◽  
First World

Patterns of voting in Britain between the second Reform Act of 1867 and the Franchise Act of 1918 have to be scrutinized afresh in the light of Dr Dunbabin's recent suggestion that very little changed in the period. The electoral profile of the regions, he argues, remained fundamentally constant from well before the period until well afterwards. The basis of the cleavage between conservative and anti-conservative voters was deeply ingrained in regional character and was merely modified slowly by processes of social change, of which the chief was the sprawling growth of London. This is to challenge earlier views holding that there was a deep-seated shift in the allegiance of the electorate in the years before the first World War. Of such views the most carefully worked out is that of Dr Clarke. The cleavage between the conservative and the anti-conservative at the beginning of the period, according to Dr Clarke, was founded on the gulf between different communities of which the primary social bond was religion. The confrontation between conservative and liberal corresponded to, and was the political expression of, that between church and chapel. By the end of the period, however, the basis of cleavage was no longer religion but class. Conservative strength was sapped by a tendency to working-class solidarity which at first benefited the liberals more than the infant labour party and which explains the two liberal general election victories of 1910. The social base of the parties had been transformed so that the electoral conflict was no longer a matter of ‘cultural politics’ – a rivalry of contrasted, classless cultural units – but a matter of class politics. Dr Clarke asserts what Dr Dunbabin denies, that there is a sharp discontinuity between the characteristic pattern of nineteenth-century politics and the characteristic pattern of twentieth-century politics.

Oswald Spengler. Young Conservative Geopolitics

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 51-90
Author(s):  
Alexey M. Rutkevich
Keyword(s):  
World Politics ◽  
World War ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
Philosophy Of Life ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Military ◽  
Second World ◽  
First World ◽  
Oswald Spengler

Oswald Spengler belongs to the trend in the so-called “conservative revolution” which was entitled “young conservatism” (Jungkonservative) in times of Weimar Republic and was close to the political position of German business and military elites. The projects of those elites before and during the First World War and their development up to the seizer of power by the Nazis and the Second World War apply to the geopolitics, and Spengler was one of the most talented representatives and creators of those plans in world politics. His views on the world politics are determined by the Lebensphilosophie (philosophy of life) described in the fragments of his main “metaphysical” work Urfragen and his philosophy of history stated in the book “Decline of Europe”. Particular attention in the article is paid to his views on Russia, both in the second volume of “Decline of Europe” and in his last work “The Years of Decision”. The transition from culture to civilization that started in the 19th century, lead to the epoch of world wars and revolutions in the 20th century. According to Spengler, two types of revolution threatened the West, - the “white revolution” in western countries themselves, that Spengler termed “Bolshevism”, and the “colour revolution’ in the colonies. The military power of new Caesars would put the end to those revolutions, as well as liberalism and parliamentarism. According to Spengler, Germany was the only land, that preserved the main features of the “Nordic race”; and that’s why could unite Western countries in the struggle for self-preservation. Spengler’s heroic pessimism affirmed the readiness to resist the history course: the time of the “Faust” culture was nearly over, but for two more centuries it would be necessary to fight hard from the losing positions.

scholarly journals PREEMINENT SOUTH-DANUBIAN ROMANIANS: ANDREI ŞAGUNA AND EFTIMIE MURGU

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 624-629
Author(s):  
Raluca Iulia Iulian
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Direct Analysis ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Habsburg Empire ◽  
Historical Texts ◽  
The Social ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Romanian Orthodox ◽  
First World

At the end of the First World War in 1918, after the break-up of the Habsburg Empire, several national states were constituted, reconstituted or completed. Among them, Romania realized the Great Union on December 1, 1918 by unification with Transylvania and Bessarabia. This was the realization of an ideal pursued for centuries by the Romanian people despite historical vicissitudes. The purpose of the paper is to highlight the special contributions of two personalities, South-Danubian Romanians that stand out in the social, religious, political and economic life in Transylvania and in the rest of the Habsburg Empire in the 19th century, thus creating the prerequisites for the Great Union. The method we used in our research was the direct analysis of  various materials  such as studies, basic documents, and historical texts concerning  the  South-Danubian Romanians. Andrei Şaguna, one of the greatest Romanian Orthodox  hierarchs, re-established the old Orthodox Metropolitan Church of Transylvania in Alba Iulia. He also activated in the political field especially during the revolutionary year 1848, promoting the rights of Romanians in the Habsburg Empire and strengthening their national identity. Andrei Şaguna also developed the Romanian education system. Eftimie Murgu, emblematic fighter for the rights and the liberties of Romanians in Transylvania, professor and lawyer, revived the flame of national consciousness in the Romanian historical provinces. He has a great contribution in the affirmation of the Latin origin of the Romanian people, and of its national identity. Andrei Şaguna and Eftimie Murgu had an decisive contribution to the preparation of the unification of the country, one as a priest and the other as a civilian.

Bandage Wallahs and St John’s Men

2019 ◽  
pp. 22-52
Author(s):  
Jessica Meyer
Keyword(s):  
Medical Profession ◽  
World War ◽  
Crimean War ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
Army Medical ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
The Social ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World

This chapter surveys the formation and reformation of the British Army Medical Services in the period from the Crimean War to the outbreak of the First World War. It locates the social and political debates around the nature and make-up of the unit in the context of wider reforms to the military and the medical profession. It further identifies the ways in which these debates were shaped by the development of the humanitarian voluntary-aid movement in Europe. It argues that the reforms to both the military and medicine as gender-demarcated professions constructed medical caregiving in the context of military conflict as a socially and culturally ambiguous role for men to undertake.

The Ideology of Socialism and the Armenian Political Parties

wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Time Period ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Given

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.

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