scholarly journals Bias Crime Policing: 'The Graveyard Shift'

Author(s):  
Gail Mason ◽  
Leslie Moran

Bias crime is crime that is motivated by prejudice or bias towards an attribute of the victim, such as race, religion or sexuality. Police have been criticised for failing to take bias crime seriously, and there is a pressing need to understand the reasons for this failure. This article aims to address this gap by presenting the results of the first empirical study of bias crime policing in the Australian state of New South Wales (NSW). Drawing on interviews with the NSW Police Force (NSWPF), the study found that sustainable reform in this domain has proven elusive. This can be attributed to a number of key challenges including reporting, recording, identification, framing, community engagement and leadership. The lessons that emerge from the findings have important ramifications for all police organisations.

Author(s):  
Gail Mason ◽  
Leslie Moran

Bias crime is crime that is motivated by prejudice or bias towards an attribute of the victim, such as race, religion or sexuality. Police have been criticised for failing to take bias crime seriously, and there is a pressing need to understand the reasons for this failure. This article aims to address this gap by presenting the results of the first empirical study of bias crime policing in the Australian state of New South Wales (NSW). Drawing on interviews with the NSW Police Force (NSWPF), the study found that sustainable reform in this domain has proven elusive. This can be attributed to a number of key challenges including reporting, recording, identification, framing, community engagement and leadership. The lessons that emerge from the findings have important ramifications for all police organisations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 174165902095345
Author(s):  
Mark A Wood ◽  
Alyce McGovern

Recently, numerous police organisations have made a strategic decision to employ humour on social media, via memes and other comical posts, to increase community engagement with their content and manage their public image. One key example of this practice comes from New South Wales Police, a state-based Australian police force whose self-described ‘meme strategy’ led to considerable increases in the organisation’s social media following. Through analysing the content of NSW Police’s memetic copaganda, in this article we unpack this approach to police public relations, detailing its rationale and implications. Police on social media, we argue, must address two very different regimes of visibility: ‘policing’s new visibility’, characterised by the increased visibility of police indiscretion as a result of citizen-produced content, and a ‘threat of invisibility’, in which the visibility of police-produced content on social media is always provisional, never assured. We consequently argue that the humorous turn in police image work represents a countermeasure to not only policing’s new visibility but also the ‘threat of invisibility’ facing police-produced content on social media.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-399
Author(s):  
Laura Grenfell

This paper analyses how four Australian state parliaments debate the rights implications of anti-bikie bills that restrict various individual rights. It focuses on three state parliaments–those of Victoria, Queensland and New South Wales–which have committees that scrutinise all bills for their rights implications and it compares the debate in these parliaments with that of South Australia where such systematic rights-scrutiny of all bills is absent. The paper considers whether the existence of a formal parliamentary committee for rights-scrutiny strengthens or diminishes the process of parliamentary scrutiny of bills for their rights implications. Overall the paper argues that, regardless of the system in place, parliamentary rights-scrutiny remains weak in the four surveyed Australian states when parliaments debate law and order bills. However, this weakness is manifested in different ways, with full and frank rights-deliberation deficient in Victoria, Queensland and New South Wales and systematic and well-informed rights-scrutiny absent in South Australia.


1977 ◽  
Vol 191 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. G. Vaughan

The effects of compulsory seat belt wearing have been evaluated for the most populous Australian State — New South Wales. Wearing rates are now very high and although surveys have shown increasing acceptance of the safety value of belts, a sizable minority of motorists apparently only wear their belts because of the law. Compulsory belt wearing appears to have saved a substantial number of vehicle occupant lives, with the main saving being among young adults. Urban deaths appear to have been affected more than rural deaths. There is tentative evidence of reductions in serious injuries among occupants. A side effect of the law has been increased usage of restraining systems for young children.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 31-52
Author(s):  
Stephen J Sugden

In two earlier papers, an intricate Jackpot structure and analysis of pseudo-random numbers for Keno in the Australian state of Queensland circa 2000 were described. Aspects of the work were also reported at an international conference . Since that time, many aspects of the game in Australia have changed. The present paper presents more up-to-date details of Keno throughout the states of Queensland, New South Wales and Victoria. A much simpler jackpot structure is now in place and this is described. Two add-ons or side-bets to the game are detailed: the trivial Heads or Tails and the more interesting Keno Bonus, which leads to consideration of the subset sum problem. The most intricate structure is where Heads or Tails and Keno Bonus are combined, and here, the issue of independence arises. Closed expressions for expected return to player (ERTP) are presented in all cases.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
RM Stuart ◽  
Romesh G. Abeysuriya ◽  
Cliff C. Kerr ◽  
Dina Mistry ◽  
Daniel J. Klein ◽  
...  

AbstractBackgroundThe early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic illustrated that SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes the disease, has the potential to spread exponentially. Therefore, as long as a substantial proportion of the population remains susceptible to infection, the potential for new epidemic waves persists even in settings with low numbers of active COVID-19 infections, unless sufficient countermeasures are in place. In this study, we examine the Australian state of New South Wales, a setting with prolonged low transmission, high mobility, non-universal mask usage, and a well-functioning test-and-trace system. We investigate how vulnerable the state would be to resurgences in COVID-19 transmission under variations in the levels of testing, tracing, and mask usage.MethodsWe use a stochastic agent-based model, calibrated to the New South Wales epidemic and policy environment, to simulate possible epidemic outcomes over October 1 – December 31, 2020, under a range of assumptions about contact tracing efficacy, testing rates, and mask uptake.ResultsWe find that the relative impact of masks is greatest when testing and tracing rates are lower (and vice versa). With very high testing rates (90% of people with symptoms, plus 90% of people with a known history of contact with a confirmed case), we estimate that the epidemic would remain under control until at least the end of 2020, with as little as 70–110 new infections estimated over October 1 – December 31 under high mask uptake scenarios, or 340–1,400 without masks, depending on the efficacy of community contact tracing. However, across comparable levels of mask uptake and contact tracing, the number of infections over this period would be up to 6 times higher if the testing rate was 80% instead of 90%, 17 times higher if the testing rate was 65%, or more than 100 times higher with a 50% testing rate.ConclusionsOur work suggests that testing, tracing and masks can all be effective means of controlling transmission in dynamic community settings. A multifaceted strategy that combines all three, alongside continued hygiene and distancing protocols, is likely to be the most robust means of controlling community-based transmission of SARS-CoV-2.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gail Mason ◽  
Rachael Stanic

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 248-264
Author(s):  
Matthew Allen

Among the many peculiarities of early New South Wales was the absence of a police force to manage a population largely composed of convicted criminals. Instead, the early Governors were forced to employ trusted convicts and ex-convicts to act as watchmen and constables and police their fellows. This article explores the history of these neglected convict police in the context of the contemporary development of modern policing in the British world. Using a case-study of a crack-down on illicit distilling under Governor King in 1805–1806, I demonstrate that the convict police were both surprisingly effective and prone to corruption, reflecting the legacy of British policing traditions and the influence of reformist ideas.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gail Mason

Bias Crime is crime where the victim is targeted because of an aspect of their identity, including race, ethnicity, religion or sexuality. It is an extreme manifestation of cultural tension and conflict. Bias crime remains under-researched in Australia. While there has been some investigation into different types of bias crime, such as racist and homophobic offences, there is little analysis of the nature and extent of bias crime across these categories. For the first time, this article presents the results of a study into official records of bias crime held by the New South Wales Police Force. The study shows that crimes motivated by bias based on the victim’s race/ethnicity and religion are by far the most common types of bias crime reported in NSW. People from Asian, Indian/Pakistani and Muslim backgrounds are the most likely victims to report bias crime. The study also shows that there is much work to be done to encourage bias crime reporting amongst marginalised communities and improve the capacity of police to identify and accurately record bias crime. We argue that civil society has an important role to play in building partnerships with police to achieve positive change in the policing of bias crime.


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