ASPECTS OF KENO MODELLING

2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 31-52
Author(s):  
Stephen J Sugden

In two earlier papers, an intricate Jackpot structure and analysis of pseudo-random numbers for Keno in the Australian state of Queensland circa 2000 were described. Aspects of the work were also reported at an international conference . Since that time, many aspects of the game in Australia have changed. The present paper presents more up-to-date details of Keno throughout the states of Queensland, New South Wales and Victoria. A much simpler jackpot structure is now in place and this is described. Two add-ons or side-bets to the game are detailed: the trivial Heads or Tails and the more interesting Keno Bonus, which leads to consideration of the subset sum problem. The most intricate structure is where Heads or Tails and Keno Bonus are combined, and here, the issue of independence arises. Closed expressions for expected return to player (ERTP) are presented in all cases.

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-399
Author(s):  
Laura Grenfell

This paper analyses how four Australian state parliaments debate the rights implications of anti-bikie bills that restrict various individual rights. It focuses on three state parliaments–those of Victoria, Queensland and New South Wales–which have committees that scrutinise all bills for their rights implications and it compares the debate in these parliaments with that of South Australia where such systematic rights-scrutiny of all bills is absent. The paper considers whether the existence of a formal parliamentary committee for rights-scrutiny strengthens or diminishes the process of parliamentary scrutiny of bills for their rights implications. Overall the paper argues that, regardless of the system in place, parliamentary rights-scrutiny remains weak in the four surveyed Australian states when parliaments debate law and order bills. However, this weakness is manifested in different ways, with full and frank rights-deliberation deficient in Victoria, Queensland and New South Wales and systematic and well-informed rights-scrutiny absent in South Australia.


1977 ◽  
Vol 191 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. G. Vaughan

The effects of compulsory seat belt wearing have been evaluated for the most populous Australian State — New South Wales. Wearing rates are now very high and although surveys have shown increasing acceptance of the safety value of belts, a sizable minority of motorists apparently only wear their belts because of the law. Compulsory belt wearing appears to have saved a substantial number of vehicle occupant lives, with the main saving being among young adults. Urban deaths appear to have been affected more than rural deaths. There is tentative evidence of reductions in serious injuries among occupants. A side effect of the law has been increased usage of restraining systems for young children.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
RM Stuart ◽  
Romesh G. Abeysuriya ◽  
Cliff C. Kerr ◽  
Dina Mistry ◽  
Daniel J. Klein ◽  
...  

AbstractBackgroundThe early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic illustrated that SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes the disease, has the potential to spread exponentially. Therefore, as long as a substantial proportion of the population remains susceptible to infection, the potential for new epidemic waves persists even in settings with low numbers of active COVID-19 infections, unless sufficient countermeasures are in place. In this study, we examine the Australian state of New South Wales, a setting with prolonged low transmission, high mobility, non-universal mask usage, and a well-functioning test-and-trace system. We investigate how vulnerable the state would be to resurgences in COVID-19 transmission under variations in the levels of testing, tracing, and mask usage.MethodsWe use a stochastic agent-based model, calibrated to the New South Wales epidemic and policy environment, to simulate possible epidemic outcomes over October 1 – December 31, 2020, under a range of assumptions about contact tracing efficacy, testing rates, and mask uptake.ResultsWe find that the relative impact of masks is greatest when testing and tracing rates are lower (and vice versa). With very high testing rates (90% of people with symptoms, plus 90% of people with a known history of contact with a confirmed case), we estimate that the epidemic would remain under control until at least the end of 2020, with as little as 70–110 new infections estimated over October 1 – December 31 under high mask uptake scenarios, or 340–1,400 without masks, depending on the efficacy of community contact tracing. However, across comparable levels of mask uptake and contact tracing, the number of infections over this period would be up to 6 times higher if the testing rate was 80% instead of 90%, 17 times higher if the testing rate was 65%, or more than 100 times higher with a 50% testing rate.ConclusionsOur work suggests that testing, tracing and masks can all be effective means of controlling transmission in dynamic community settings. A multifaceted strategy that combines all three, alongside continued hygiene and distancing protocols, is likely to be the most robust means of controlling community-based transmission of SARS-CoV-2.


2009 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 166-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Greer

This article contributes to an expanding literature concerned with the instrumentality of accounting and the consequences of its use within government—Indigenous relations. It examines a single case of how accounting was employed within the Australian state of New South Wales to manipulate the income and spending of Aboriginal women. The article explores how ccounting was integral to the control and administration of the New South Wales Family Endowment Payments; a policy intended to reconstitute Aboriginal women according to particular norms of citizenship. The article not only allows us to better understand the roles of accounting in such historical practices of social engineering, but also illustrates that the objectives for such programmes are not simple and that often they attempt to satisfy the competing interests of the social and the economic.


Author(s):  
Gail Mason ◽  
Leslie Moran

Bias crime is crime that is motivated by prejudice or bias towards an attribute of the victim, such as race, religion or sexuality. Police have been criticised for failing to take bias crime seriously, and there is a pressing need to understand the reasons for this failure. This article aims to address this gap by presenting the results of the first empirical study of bias crime policing in the Australian state of New South Wales (NSW). Drawing on interviews with the NSW Police Force (NSWPF), the study found that sustainable reform in this domain has proven elusive. This can be attributed to a number of key challenges including reporting, recording, identification, framing, community engagement and leadership. The lessons that emerge from the findings have important ramifications for all police organisations.


Author(s):  
Gail Mason ◽  
Leslie Moran

Bias crime is crime that is motivated by prejudice or bias towards an attribute of the victim, such as race, religion or sexuality. Police have been criticised for failing to take bias crime seriously, and there is a pressing need to understand the reasons for this failure. This article aims to address this gap by presenting the results of the first empirical study of bias crime policing in the Australian state of New South Wales (NSW). Drawing on interviews with the NSW Police Force (NSWPF), the study found that sustainable reform in this domain has proven elusive. This can be attributed to a number of key challenges including reporting, recording, identification, framing, community engagement and leadership. The lessons that emerge from the findings have important ramifications for all police organisations.


Author(s):  
Rob Manwaring

This chapter evaluates the case of Australian state (Labor) governments. It outlines four distinctive state Labor governments in Australia in the states of New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland and Western Australia. In all cases, Labor held office for a relatively sustained period of time, before eventually losing. These state Labor governments offered a distinctive approach to governance that reshaped and renewed the trajectory of social democracy, especially in the face of neoliberal economic settings. Yet, in almost all these cases, these Labor governments were ejected from office. However, in contrast to some of the other cases in this volume, Labor has regained power in many of the state jurisdictions. So, while the Labor model of ‘strategic government’ might have passed, there might be further lessons here about how Labor can regain power.


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