scholarly journals AFGHANISTAN IN THE IMMEDIATE POST-TRAUMA CASE INVESTIGATING POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN THE YEARS (2002-2008)

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Dawood Kakar , Dr. Samra Naz , Ali Raza Momand
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Short History ◽  
Local Council ◽  
National Importance ◽  
Trauma Case ◽  
History Of ◽  
Social Code ◽  
Bonn Agreement

Afghanistan has been ruled under informal arrangements of power for most of its life. Due to conventional politics, political institutions have been less prioritized over time. Historically, Afghanistan has been short of a sound and secured political environment owing to multitudes of problems: geostrategic location, ethnic disorder, the conservative-liberal ideological gap, the sectarian divide, its tribal structure, etc. Afghan code of political conduct is based on longstanding traditions under which matters of local and even national importance are settled by the Jirga (local council) following those rules. The Head of a tribe is always cherished and his words carry weight. The Jirga system still prevails in Afghanistan and the Pashtun belt of Pakistan. Despite being an archaic scheme, the Jirga system has its merits in Afghan’s social and political lives as it decides their day-to-day matters within due space of time, and its assessments are valued because of the tribal social code. In the current  political developments following the Bonn Agreement, 2001, the informal provisions of power have been given a legal role as the Loya Jirga approved the Constitution and played an active part in the Interim and Transitional Afghan setups. This research paper presents a short history of power patterns in Afghanistan and studies its current political system at national and sub-national levels.

The Disintegration of the Tory-Anglican Alliance in the Struggle for Catholic Emancipation

1960 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clyde J. Lewis
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Church ◽  
Established Church

The late 1820's, particularly the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829, marked the end of an era in the history of the English Established Church. Earlier, for more than a century, the Anglican hierarchy had served as an appendage of the political system dominated by the landed interests; and since the younger Pitt's time, the Church had functioned politically as an ally of the Tory Party. By the year 1827. however, churchmen faced a rapidly changing political environment.

An Enduring Lesson from the History of Peacemaking in Afghanistan

2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 331-343
Author(s):  
Nasir A. Andisha
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Past ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
History Of ◽  
Main Components ◽  
National Reconciliation ◽  
Bonn Agreement

Peace processes offer opportune moments for social and political transformation in embattled nations. There is no perfect formula or peace recipe. As per the existing literature, the ‘ripeness’ of circumstances and timing of a peace process and pertinence of the ‘substance’ of settlements to the root causes of conflict are the main components of a viable peace agreement. In the past 30 years, Afghanistan experienced two unsuccessful peacemaking episodes: first after the Soviet withdrawal in 1989 and the second following the removal of the Taliban in 2001. While failure of the former is primarily attributed to the complexities of circumstance at the time, ineptness of the latter is linked to the primacy of imposed deadlines over inclusive consultations and inadequacy of contents of the Bonn Agreement. By briefly examining substantive characteristics of peacemaking processes in the context of Najibullah’s National Reconciliation Policy and the Bonn process, this article argues that meaningful structural change in favour of an inclusive and participatory political system and institutionalization of a regional balance of interests in foreign relations remain central to enduring peace in Afghanistan.

Political Ideals, Financial Interests and Intergovernmental Relations: New Aspects of Swiss Federalism

1988 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrich Klöti
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Intergovernmental Relations ◽  
Normative Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
The Public ◽  
Financial Interests ◽  
History Of ◽  
Swiss Experience

WHEN SWISS CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS SPECIAL ISSUE LIMIT themselves to the presentation of a picture of modern Switzerland and leave it to the public to decide whether they want to learn something from the Swiss experience, two problems remain unsolved. First, in Switzerland we have neglected to some extent the analysis of the structures and the processes of the political system. We know more about the history of our political institutions than we do about their actual functioning. Normative theory is better developed than empirical research. This leads to the second problem: as many questions concerning the mechanics of the system are not answered in a sufficiently clear way, interpretations of the Confederatia Helvetica differ considerably between various analysts.

How not to deal with the past: lustration in Poland

1999 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara A. Misztal
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Relative Strength ◽  
The Political ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
The Past ◽  
History Of ◽  
Postcommunist Transition

By looking at the history of the Polish lustration — the policy of checking the past of candidates for important positions — this article argues that although the lustration law has been finally passed at the end of 1998, Poland's dealing with the past is still full of unresolved and deeply ambivalent problems due to the nature of its postcommunist transition and the nature of the newly constructed political institutions. These conditions were shaped by the relative strength of the Polish anti-communist opposition, which credibility within the society permitted it to accept a compromise with the old regime. The undetermined character of many of Poland's political institutions have accelerated the use of the issue of retrospective justice in the partisan politics, which in turn has limited the opportunity for consensual policy, and therefore has reduced societal trust of the political parties, while at the same time increased the demand for the purification of the political system.

scholarly journals M.M. Speransky and N.M. Karamzin: Two Ways of Civilized Development of Russia or a Dispute About a Rational System of Public Administration?

2019 ◽  
pp. 86-99
Author(s):  
Oleg Kuznetsov ◽  
Konstantin Lotarev ◽  
Vasiliy Tarakanov
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Transformation ◽  
Russian Soil ◽  
History Of ◽  
Historical Comparative

Introduction. The introduction identifies one of the most important problems in the political history of Russia – the problem of determining and choosing the path of the long-term civilizational development in the aspect of liberal and conservative paradigm. Methods and materials. As the main methods the authors apply: the historical-comparative, systemic, typological and historical-political ones. The main sources are the following: ”Plan of State Transformation” by M.M. Speransky and “Note on Ancient and New Russia in Its Political and Civil Relations” by N.M. Karamzin. Analysis. In the course of the comparative analysis the authors carry out the study of the plan of M.M. Speransky’s state reforms and N.M. Karamzin’s political program in the aspect of the liberal and conservative axiology. The authors conclude that there were two different models of civilizational development of the state. One of them, represented by M.M. Speransky, suggested radical changes in the political system, legislation, social relations and led Russia to the liberal Western path of development. N.M. Karamzin proceeded from the priority of national and state traditions and the perniciousness of transferring European political institutions, customs and practicies to the Russian soil. Results. The result of the study is the conclusion that in the complete absence of a basis for the formation of liberalism in Russia, M.M. Speransky’s constitutional search was doomed to failure and resulted in the practice of building a system of the rational public administration within the framework of absolutism. Centuries-old historical traditions of Russia were much stronger than the desire of Alexander I to give the country a Constitution.

Popular Sovereignty and the Search for Appropriate Institutions

1986 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 341-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
James G. March ◽  
Johan P. Olsen
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Economic Thought ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Political Integration ◽  
Cyclic Process ◽  
Comprehensive Review ◽  
History Of

ABSTRACTThis paper is about criteria for assessing alternative political institutions in a society committed to popular sovereignty. The issues are classic, and we do not attempt a comprehensive review of the ways in which they run through political and economic thought since Aristotle. An aggregative perspective on political institutions, which describes politics in terms of aggregating exogenous, prior preferences of citizens, is contrasted with an integrative perspective, which describes politics more in terms of the development of preferences within a framework of rights and norms. The evaluation of aggregative processes and institutions highlights questions of efficiency, preferences, and endowments. The evaluation of integrative institutions focuses on questions of competence and integrity. Many of the most influential contemporary discussions of political institutions are based on an aggregative framework that is relatively inattentive to issues of political integration. This contemporary emphasis on metaphors of aggregation, however, represents a phase in a history of oscillation between aggregation and integration in politics and political theory, and there are signs that the emphasis may shift in the next few decades to a greater consciousness of integration. Although the cyclic process is not escaped through awareness of it, such awareness may provide a basis for a more thoughtful approach to the search for appropriate institutions within a political system dedicated to popular sovereignty.

scholarly journals Democracy both young and old: Finland, Sweden and the interwar crisis of democracy

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 486-499
Author(s):  
Jussi Kurunmäki
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
History Of ◽  
Independent States ◽  
First World ◽  
New Independent States ◽  
Better Than

It is often pointed out in the literature of democratisation and the breakdown of democracy that old democracies have been able to stand against the threat of totalitarian and extremist political doctrines better than young ones. This observation has usually been based on the existence of solid political institutions, certain class structures, and the legitimacy of a political system. The focus of this article is on the rhetorical role that the division between ‘old’ and ‘young’ or ‘new’ democracies played during the interwar crisis of democracy. By focusing on the cases of Finland and Sweden, which have been described as a young democracy and an old democracy respectively in the literature on democratisation, the study directs attention to the ways in which the age of democracy has been produced in order to defend democratic institutions against totalitarian doctrines and practices. The article thus contributes to the conceptual history of democracy and helps explaining why Finland managed to maintain its democratic political institutions as one of the few new independent states that were born during and just after the First World War.

Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan: Features of the Transit of Power

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-99
Author(s):  
S. Pritchin
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Capital Accumulation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
History Of

The transit of power is an important and vulnerable stage in the development of political processes for any state. For States with unstable political institutions and a short history of independence, the change of the head of state is an even more serious challenge to stability. In 2016 and 2019, respectively, the two largest Central Asian republics of Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan launched power transit procedures for the first time in the history of their independence. The transit scenarios differed significantly, despite the common similarity in power structure, political culture, and stage of political development. The more closed political system of Uzbekistan at the time of the death of the first President, Islam Karimov, managed to take a consolidated approach to the choice of a successor and unite for the duration of the transit. In Kazakhstan, on the contrary, after leaving the post of President, Nursultan Nazarbayev remained a key actor in domestic political processes, creating together with his successor, the current head of the Republic, Kasym-Zhomart Tokayev, a bipolar political system that began to contribute to the formation of a split of the political class. One of the reasons for the distinct approaches to transit was the different model of initial capital accumulation after the collapse of the USSR, when large-scale privatization of state property in Kazakhstan created a class of large owners who actively promoted a more open and competitive political system to protect and promote their interests. In contrast to Kazakhstan, the main state property of the Uzbek SSR remained under the control of the state and quasi-state institutions, which slowed down the process of forming a class of owners independent from the state. Separately, each of the transits of power in the post-Soviet space became the object of research, but primarily from the point of view of the development of political systems. A methodological basis of the study was a systemic, comparative analysis of transit of power scenarios considering the politico-economic aspects of the privatization of state property and formation of the proprietary class.

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