How not to deal with the past: lustration in Poland

1999 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara A. Misztal

By looking at the history of the Polish lustration — the policy of checking the past of candidates for important positions — this article argues that although the lustration law has been finally passed at the end of 1998, Poland's dealing with the past is still full of unresolved and deeply ambivalent problems due to the nature of its postcommunist transition and the nature of the newly constructed political institutions. These conditions were shaped by the relative strength of the Polish anti-communist opposition, which credibility within the society permitted it to accept a compromise with the old regime. The undetermined character of many of Poland's political institutions have accelerated the use of the issue of retrospective justice in the partisan politics, which in turn has limited the opportunity for consensual policy, and therefore has reduced societal trust of the political parties, while at the same time increased the demand for the purification of the political system.

Author(s):  
Gunārs Ozolzīle

A democratic political system can be sustainable and stable only if it has society’s support that is based on legitimacy. So far, the attention of Latvian researchers has mostly been devoted to the so-called “ratings” of separate political institutions and politicians, but no attempt has been undertaken to investigate the political system as a whole through the prism of legitimacy. The aim of the present article is to explore whether there is a sufficient resource of legitimacy of the Latvian political system in order to provide stability and efficiency of the regime. The empirical basis of the research mostly consists of the results of the sociological research conducted in Latvia during the past six years (2011–2016). The data analysis of the present research is based on David Easton and Pippa Norris’ conceptual approach to the study of legitimacy of political systems. One of the conclusions that can be made is that the political system of Latvia is characterised by insufficient diffuse support, which then indicates that the political system experiences the problem of legitimacy. As there is a divided society in Latvia, both communities lack a shared national identity, which could connect the society. In addition, it can be stated that around half of the society is not satisfied with the functioning of the political regime. The analysis performed in the article allows concluding that the trust in political institutions is extremely low and the assessment of the political authority performance is highly negative.


1988 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrich Klöti

WHEN SWISS CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS SPECIAL ISSUE LIMIT themselves to the presentation of a picture of modern Switzerland and leave it to the public to decide whether they want to learn something from the Swiss experience, two problems remain unsolved. First, in Switzerland we have neglected to some extent the analysis of the structures and the processes of the political system. We know more about the history of our political institutions than we do about their actual functioning. Normative theory is better developed than empirical research. This leads to the second problem: as many questions concerning the mechanics of the system are not answered in a sufficiently clear way, interpretations of the Confederatia Helvetica differ considerably between various analysts.


Author(s):  
Mason W. Moseley

The fifth chapter introduces the case of Argentina, a country where protest has taken root as a common characteristic of everyday political life over the past two decades. The chapter begins by analyzing the history of protest from Carlos Menem’s election in 1989 to the current Fernández de Kirchner government, arguing that it has indeed crystallized as a routine form of political participation in this regime. I attribute this trend to the weakness of political institutions and strength of Argentine civil society: the two pillars of the protest state. I then proceed to utilize survey data and protest events count data to support this argument, demonstrating that not only has protest become more common over the past two decades, but that it has consolidated as a common mode of political voice for Argentine citizens across demographic groups and the political spectrum.


2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 22-41
Author(s):  
Jure Gašparič

The author focuses on the issue of researching and writing the political history of the Republic of Slovenia after its independence in 1991. After his introductory assessment that ever since the beginning people have not trusted politicians and political parties, he focuses on the question of how people have acted throughout this time, how the political institutions have been developing, and how they have been adapting to the world and the times which have changed radically in the last twenty five years. First the author presents numerous dilemmas and methodological peculiarities of the issue at hand (the problem of historical distance, the sensibility of the activity, the uncontrollable and specific sources), and then he proceeds to describe the possible approaches and methods of meeting this challenge. In the second part of the contribution the author sums up the findings resulting from his own research of this period (about the polarisation, personalisation, medialisation and informalisation of politics), placing them into the wider European context. Furthermore, he also outlines the challenges for future research.


Author(s):  
Oleg Kuznetsov ◽  
Konstantin Lotarev ◽  
Vasiliy Tarakanov

Introduction. The introduction identifies one of the most important problems in the political history of Russia – the problem of determining and choosing the path of the long-term civilizational development in the aspect of liberal and conservative paradigm. Methods and materials. As the main methods the authors apply: the historical-comparative, systemic, typological and historical-political ones. The main sources are the following: ”Plan of State Transformation” by M.M. Speransky and “Note on Ancient and New Russia in Its Political and Civil Relations” by N.M. Karamzin. Analysis. In the course of the comparative analysis the authors carry out the study of the plan of M.M. Speransky’s state reforms and N.M. Karamzin’s political program in the aspect of the liberal and conservative axiology. The authors conclude that there were two different models of civilizational development of the state. One of them, represented by M.M. Speransky, suggested radical changes in the political system, legislation, social relations and led Russia to the liberal Western path of development. N.M. Karamzin proceeded from the priority of national and state traditions and the perniciousness of transferring European political institutions, customs and practicies to the Russian soil. Results. The result of the study is the conclusion that in the complete absence of a basis for the formation of liberalism in Russia, M.M. Speransky’s constitutional search was doomed to failure and resulted in the practice of building a system of the rational public administration within the framework of absolutism. Centuries-old historical traditions of Russia were much stronger than the desire of Alexander I to give the country a Constitution.


Author(s):  
Einar Lie

This book traces the 200-year history of Norges Bank, which was established in 1816 with a dual purpose: to bring order and stability to the chaotic monetary system following the Napoleonic wars and provide Norway with a bank. The present Norges Bank is a modern well-functioning central bank, with strong likenesses to similar institutions in other countries. This book is particularly concerned with the relations between the bank and the political institutions. The bank’s role has been shaped and reshaped by perceptions of what kind of financial services Norway needed, how economic policy was coordinated, and how discretionary power was distributed between the elected bodies, the executive branch, and underlying institutions with a defined mandate. The central aim of this book is to trace and explain these changes over the past two centuries. It is also, to some extent, a contribution to the relatively broad literature on the history of national central banks.


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 214
Author(s):  
Reiza D. Dienaputra

AbstrakKajian ini bertujuan untuk merekonstruksi penggunaan banteng sebagai elemen visual dalam lambang partai-partai politik yang berhasil meraih kursi DPR dalam Pemilu 1955 hingga Pemilu 1999. Berbagai permasalahan berkaitan dengan keberadaan banteng dalam lambang partai-partai politik diungkap, seperti dinamika visualisasi banteng, eksplanasi sejarah dan budaya, serta pengaruh sistem politik terhadap visualisasi banteng dalam lambang. Untuk menjawab permasalahan tersebut, digunakan metode sejarah, yang di dalamnya meliputi tahapan heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Sebagai sebuah kajian sejarah visual, sumber utama yang digunakan adalah lambang partai-partai politik. Selanjutnya, untuk menganalisispenggunaan banteng dalam lambang partai-partai politik digunakan pendekatan seni dan disain, pendekatan politik dan pendekatan kebudayaan. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa pengunaaan banteng sebagai elemen visual dalam lambang memiliki akar sejarah yang panjang. Secara budaya banteng pun merupakan binatang yang akrab dzengan banyak suku bangsa di tanah air. Sebagai elemen visual, penggunaan banteng dalam lambang partai politik  pada umumnya hanya digunakan oleh partai-partai politik beraliran nasionalis. Namun demikian, representasi visual banteng dalam lambang mengalami dinamika yang menarik, tidak hanya karena kebutuhan partai politik tetapi juga disebabkan pengaruh sistem politik yang berlaku. AbstractThis study aims to reconstruct the use of bulls as visual element in the symbols of political parties that were voted in the legislative (DPR) during 1955-1999 general election. The author reveals many dynamic use of bulls in political parties, including its visualization, historical and cultural explanation, and political system that influenced bull visualization on the symbols. The author conducts history method, covering critique, interpretation, and historiography. As a study of visual history, the research objects are the symbols of political parties. We approach the problem from many angles, including art and design, as well as political and cultural ones. The result finds that the use of bull as visual element in the symbol of political parties has a long root in the history of this country. Culturally, bulls are very familiar to many ethnic group in Indonesia, and generally they are used by nationalist parties. Nevertheless, visual representation of bulls has experienced an interesting dynamics: using bulls as symbol is not only for the benefit of certain political parties but it is also influenced by the political system applied at a certain time.


Author(s):  
Мохаммад Исхак Шафак

Аннотация: В статье рассмотрены особенности развития политической системы Кыргызской Республики периода независимости. Строительство новой, основанной на демократических принципах, политической системы страны проходит в период перехода ее с тоталитарного прошлого к демократическому пути развития, идет процесс модернизации политической системы. В условиях независимости самым важным было институциональное развитие политической системы Кыргызстана, так как без соответствующих политических институтов невозможно осуществить модернизацию, как экономики, так и политической и социальной сферы жизни общества. В данной статье рассмотрена институциональная составляющая политической системы суверенной Кыргызской Республики, ее организация и становление: принятие новой Конституции, парламентаризм, институт президентства, развитие многопартийной системы, выборы. На развитие политической системы Кыргызстана оказывают влияние различные факторы, как внутренние, так и внешние. Ключевые слова: Кыргызская Республика, политическая система, политические институты, транзитология, демократизация, парламентаризм, политические партии, выборы. Аннотация: Москвада көз каранды эместик мезгилиндеги Кыргыз Республикасындагы саясий системасынын өнүгүшүнүн өзгөчөлүктөрү корголгон. Демократиялык принциптердин негизинде түзүлгөн өлкөнүн саясий системасынын курулушу өткөнкү тоталитардык түзүлүштөн демократиялык өнүгүүнүн жолуна өтүп, саясий системаны модернизациялоо процесси жүрүп жатат. Көз каранды эместик мезгилдин шарттарында Кыргызстандагы саясий системанын өнүгүшүнүн негизи катары институционалдык өнүгүү саналган, тактап айтканда ылайыктуу саясий институттарсыз коомдун турмушунун экономикалык, саясий жана социалдык чөйрөдөгүдөй эле модернизацияны ишке ашыруу мүмкүн эмес. Сунушталган макалада Суверендүү Кыргыз Республикасынын саясий система- сынын институционалдык негиздерди, уюштурулушу жана калыптанышы: жаңы конституцияны кабыл алуу, партиялуулук системасынын өнүгүшү, шайлоолор каралат. Кыргызстандагы саясий системанын өнүгүшүнө ар түрдүү ички жана сырткы факторлор таасир этет. Түйүндүү сөздөр: Кыргыз Республикасы, саясий система, саясий институттар, транзитология, демократиялаштыруу, парламентизм, саясий партиялар, шайлоолор. Annotation: The article discusses the features of the development of the political system of the Kyrgyz Republic during the independence period. The construction of a new political system based on democratic principles takes place during the transition from a totalitarian past to a democratic path of development; the process of modernization of the political system is underway. In conditions of independence, the most important was the institutional development of the political system of Kyrgyzstan, since without the appropriate political institutions it is impossible to modernize both the economy and thepolitical and social sphere of society. This article discusses the institutional component of the political system of the sovereign Kyrgyz Republic, its organization and formation: the adoption of a new Constitution, parliamentarism, the institution of the presidency, the development of a multi-party system, elections. The development of the political system of Kyrgyzstan is influenced by various factors, both internal and external. Keywords: Kyrgyz Republic, political system, political institutions, transitology, de- mocratization, parliamentarism, political parties, elections.


1964 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 947-950 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert L. Hess ◽  
Gerhard Loewenberg

The emergence of political parties performing important functions in the political system has characterized the recent history of much of the African continent. The new party systems have taken various forms, including single parties with a narrow ruling elite, as in Liberia, or with mass support, as in Guinea; two-party systems where one mass party is dominant, as is the case in Kenya; and multi-party systems, as in Nigeria and Somalia. In two states, Libya and Sudan, once-flourishing political parties have been banned. Only in Ethiopia (Etritrea excluded) have there never been political parties. The Empire of the Conquering Lion of Judah can well be termed a no-party state. In Ethiopia today no organization exists that would or could describe itself as a political party.


2009 ◽  
pp. 119-150
Author(s):  
Tommaso Piffer

- The essay shows the importance of the records of the partisan movements in writing the history of the Resistance in Italy in World War II. Using these records, it seems possible to write a partially different history from that written by the most important authors in the past decades. This essay is focused on the relationships between leadership and ranks in the bands, the political consciousness of the partisans, their relationship with political parties and the strategy of the political leaders. In conclusion, the author suggests the opportunity of a new synthesis of this period based on this material. Key words: Resistance movement in Italy, Italian partisan movement, Italian Resistance historical studies, World War II, political parties and partisan bands, partisan records.


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