scholarly journals Higher Education and the Market

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Catharine Hill

<p>Neoclassical economists make the case for profit seeking firms in the private sector because they supply goods and services efficiently, meeting consumer demand at the least possible price and the highest quality. The government also supplies some goods and services directly, and also has made provisions for non-profit firms to do so, recognizing that in some cases for-profit firms will not supply them efficiently, because of a variety of market failures. In the United States, higher education has been one of those services that has traditionally been supplied to a large extent by non-profits and the government sector, and not by the for-profit sector. Over the last few decades, that has been changing radically, with much of the growth in enrollments in higher education taking place in the for-profit sector. Understanding the evolving roles of for-profits, non-profits and the public sector in the provision of higher education over the past several decades is important because they can have public policy implications. The government’s response to market failure, in particular, has welfare implications for both individuals and society.</p>

1995 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Weidman

In countries throughout the world, there are increasing pressures to reduce the government share of costs for goods and services with high payoffs to individuals so that the limited available public funds can be used for other needs. This paper suggests several strategies for reducing government expenditures on higher education, including direct cost recovery, grants from and contracts with external agencies, income-producing enterprises, private contributions, and expansion of the private sector. Policy implications and examples (e.g., student access and financial aid, tax status of revenues from enterprises, deferred cost recovery) are presented for both developing and developed countries.


Author(s):  
Hoa Quang Duong ◽  
Anh Ngoc Pham ◽  
Dung Quoc Lam ◽  
Hoang Minh Cao Nguyen ◽  
Khang Ba Do

Extending Cooper & Ross’ analysis of competition in markets with informational asymmetry, and Hirth’s researches on non-profit nursing homes in the United States, this paper developed a competitive model for a mixed market of for-profit and non-profit private universities. The model proved the spillover impact of non-profit universities on the overall quality of the market. As a result, the paper sheds some insights on the quality problems faced by private universities in Vietnam, and also offers some policy implications to improve the overall quality of this market.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catharine B. Hill

This paper demonstrates that increasing income inequality can contribute to the trends we see in American higher education, particularly in the selective, private nonprofit and public sectors. Given these institutions’ selective admissions and commitment to socioeconomic diversity, the paper demonstrates how increasing income inequality leads to higher tuition, costs, and financial aid. A numerical example is presented that estimates how much lower tuition, spending (costs), and financial aid would have been if household incomes in the United States had grown by the same aggregate amount between 1971 and 2009, but with no increase in income inequality. The policy implications include the government addressing rising income inequality directly or changing the incentives facing higher education and will be of interest to those concerned with the rising cost of higher education and issues of access and affordability.


Criminology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Leighton

Privatization refers to outsourcing government functions to a private, usually for-profit, business although the arrangement can be with a non-profit organization. Currently, the most privatized aspect of criminal justice is punishment in general and prisons in particular. Prisons have historically engaged in “nominal privatization,” which includes privatization of services such as the designing and construction of prisons, provision of food services, medical care, and commissary. During the 1980s, contracts expanded to include “operational privatization,” which meant contracting out the day-to-day management of prisons to private, for-profit companies. Operational privatization involves a private company operating a facility owned by the government or managing inmates in a prison that the company owns. In some countries, such arrangements may be called public private partnerships (PPP) or private finance initiatives (PFI). Operational privatization originated during the 1980s in the United States, which was undergoing an unprecedented prison expansion because of ongoing wars on crime and drugs. At the same time, politicians were promising tax cuts, so privatization allowed a resolution to the contradiction by allowing private capital to profit by taking on some traditional responsibilities of government. Despite objections that the privatization of punishment and prison were different in nature than, say, trash collection, the dominant political view was that government kept sentencing authority and business could do the other functions more efficiently. While operational privatization has spread to a handful of countries, the largest private prison corporations are US-based, multibillion-dollar multinational companies that are traded on stock exchanges. As such, private prisons are the tip of a much larger criminal justice (CJ)–industrial complex, which describes a range of business and financial interests whose profit motive can shape criminal justice policy, including in ways that perpetuate current injustices. The CJ-industrial complex, mirroring the military-industrial complex President Eisenhower warned of, is comprised of everyone who financially profits from the police, courts, and corrections system. In turn, it is part of a larger security-industrial complex, which includes private security, investigators, intelligence, and technology sold as a response to (real and exaggerated) fear of crime, hackers, terrorists, and youth. Even when considered on its own, though, the CJ-industrial complex is significant because it could also mirror the concerns Eisenhower had: that because of its size and lobbying power, the defense industry could start to make policy based too much on its own interest rather than for the public good.


1983 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 12-13
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Mulkeen

American higher education has been molded by forces outside the educational community. From the Civil War through the mid-1970's our political leadership considered investment in education good for the economy and, therefore, good public policy. This link between schooling and the economic system developed as the United States moved from an agrarian to an industrial economy. Industrialization demanded skills that neither the family nor the church could provide, and tax-supported public higher education was to assist the transformation to an industrial society. The catalyst for this transformation came in 1862 with the passage of the Morrill Act establishing the land grant colleges. These new institutions emphasized the development of technical skills and the application of scientific principles to agriculture, industry and commerce.


1985 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 699-727 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin J. Cohen

The global debt problem influences the foreign-policy capabilities of the United States through its impact on the government's “linkage strategies” in foreign affairs. In some circumstances policy makers are forced to make connections between different policy instruments or issues that might not otherwise have been felt necessary; in others, opportunities for connections are created that might not otherwise have been felt possible. The Polish debt crisis of 1981–82, the Latin American debt crisis of 1982–83, and the IMF quota increase in 1983 are suggestive in this regard. Linkage strategies bred by the debt issue are more apt to be successful when the interest shared by the United States with other countries in avoiding default is reinforced by other shared economic or political interests. They will also be more successful to the extent that the government can supplement its own power resources by relating bank decisions to foreign-policy considerations. Power in such situations, however, is a wasting asset, even when employed indirectly through the intermediation of the IMF.


2011 ◽  
Vol 72 (6) ◽  
pp. 568-582 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jinnie Y. Davis ◽  
Mignon Adams ◽  
Larry Hardesty

For-profit schools constitute the fastest-growing sector of higher education institutions in the United States.1 Yet accompanying the phenomenal growth of these proprietary colleges and universities has been considerable controversy over the role that the profit motive should play in higher education.2 The literature of higher education contains increasingly more works about proprietary schools. The library literature, however, offers little in this arena. Through this article, the authors seek to introduce the library readership to U.S. for-profit colleges and universities. We summarize their history and their characteristics, and we explore reasons for their success and present areas in which these schools appear to excel. With regard to their library services and resources, we focus on issues of concern based specifically on our experience with academic libraries in proprietary schools operating in the state of Ohio. Finally, we suggest ways in which these for-profit institutions can address the challenges faced by their libraries.


Author(s):  
Martha Minow

This book argues that US democracy presumes a news industry but that industry currently is failing. It focuses on the contributions of digital platforms and legal rules to the current situation and on the government's responsibilities for alleviating the problem. As the book shows, the First Amendment of the US Constitution assumes the existence and durability of a private industry. Despite some concerns that government action now is not permitted, nothing in the Constitution forecloses government action to regulate concentrated economic power, to require disclosure of who is financing communications, or to support news initiatives where there are market failures. Moreover, the federal government always been involved in shaping the media environment; it has contributed financial resources, laws, and regulations to develop and shape media in the United States. The government has subsidized development of the internet and crafted legal immunities for digital platforms; the government has crafted the direction and contours of America's media ecosystem. The shift of people’s attention to media platforms that borrow news stories without paying for them and spread misinformation jeopardizes journalism, reliable news sources, and the very respect for truth-telling. To maintain government accountability and inform a public as required in a democracy, The book outlines an array of reforms, including a new fairness doctrine, regulating digital platforms as public utilities, using antitrust authority to regulate the media, policing fraud, and more robust funding of public media. As the text stresses, such reforms are not merely plausible ideas; they are the kinds of initiatives needed if the First Amendment guarantee of freedom of the press continues to hold meaning in the twenty-first century.


2011 ◽  
pp. 1272-1274
Author(s):  
Gary A. Berg

In recent years much has been written on the link between distance learning and the commercialization of higher education (Berg, 2002). Particularly in the United States, this debate has been described as a conflict between open and traditional academic-market models. As various government, nonprofit, and for-profit ownership of these nontraditional universities are present worldwide, it is important to understand the market-model issues and how they influence university mission and implementation of educational programs.


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