scholarly journals Berlusconi e Macron: figure per esplorare l’ipermoderno Un’analisi de Il Duca di Mantova di Franco Cordelli e Un personnage de roman di Philippe Besson

2021 ◽  
pp. 283-298
Author(s):  
Gerardo Iandoli
Keyword(s):  

L’articolo analizza Il Duca di Mantova di Franco Cordelli e Un personnage de roman di Philippe Besson. In questi testi, gli autori si confrontano rispettivamente con la figura di Silvio Berlusconi ed Emmanuel Macron. Attraverso la categoria di ‘ipermoderno’, l’articolo intende studiare alcuni tratti del potere contemporaneo: in una prima parte, si analizzerà lo statuto ontologico dei testi e le modalità usate per mescolare elementi di finzione a dati reali; successivamente, si mostrerà quali immagini del potere emergono dai due politici rappresentati; in conclusione, andando oltre i testi, si cercherà di definire il concetto di ‘Leviatano-ologramma’, al fine di fornire nuovi strumenti concettuali per decostruire l’immaginario politico contemporaneo.

Author(s):  
A. Y. Kovaleva

Silvio Berlusconi, former Italian Prime Minister, is about to turn 80 this September. He has dominated Italian politics since 1994 and is now Italy's longest-serving PM since Mussolini. He has survived countless forecasts of his imminent departure. Political researchers argue that despite his personal success, he has been a disaster as a national leader. Nevertheless, to call Berlusconi a failure would be absurd, particularly in terms of his political presence. Having provided the country with four governments that lasted for a total of almost ten years, Berlusconi left a profound mark on Italian political history and even defined the era of Berlusconism. This article is based on the assumption that there is considerable political substance to Berlusconism, the substance of Berlusconi's public discourse. In 1994 he launched "Forza, Italia", a political party that within the span of a couple of months would become one of the biggest in Italy. From the outset, the party has evoked both praise and criticism amongst political communications scholars. Most of the discussion was centered on party's antiestablishment rhetoric, its lack of traditional organization, consistent political agenda and controversial nature of the main leader. Interestingly, the celebratory interpretations surrounding the Berlusconi phenomenon have focused on the leaders' ability to create a mass support base primarily through the use of TV; all of this whilst bypassing traditional institutions. This article is about the communicational strategy Berlusconi employed and why it was successful. Berlusconism is a true political phenomenon, which deserves to be analyzed carefully.


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-104
Author(s):  
Carlo Panara

AbstractDuring the last few years the influence of the Catholic Church on law-making and government policies in Italy has dramatically increased. The Italian Episcopal Conference established a solid alliance with the Centre-Right led by the media tycoon Silvio Berlusconi. This political situation favoured the introduction of a number of hyper-conservative policies on ethical matters, from artificial insemination to abortion. In contrast, the influence of the Church was not significant in other key areas such as immigration policy. This article argues that the Church-inspired hyper-conservatism has led to the introduction of considerable restrictions to individual rights and freedoms. This situation is undermining the secular character of the Italian State and the original liberal-democratic inspiration of the Constitution.


2010 ◽  
Vol n°46 (3) ◽  
pp. 54-54
Author(s):  
Pierre Musso
Keyword(s):  

2011 ◽  
pp. 494-510
Author(s):  
Andrea Di Michele

La prima parte del saggio indaga gli elementi di comunanza tra Silvio Berlusconi e Vladimir Putin (leaderismo esasperato, populismo con venature nazionalistiche, controllo dei mezzi d'informazione), nonché il significato assunto dal rapporto con la Russia nella complessiva politica estera di Berlusconi, che ha visto l'Italia distaccarsi dal suo tradizionale europeismo e intessere relazioni preferenziali con Stati Uniti e Russia. Nella seconda parte, l'attenzione si sposta dai rapporti Berlusconi-Putin a quelli Italia-Russia, mostrando come la politica di avvicinamento a Mosca sia stata perseguita da tutti i governi italiani, di centrodestra e di centrosinistra, degli ultimi 10-15 anni. La Russia č per l'Italia un partner economico-commerciale fondamentale, in particolare in qualitŕ di fornitore di prodotti energetici. Eni e Gazprom hanno costruito un rapporto di collaborazione e integrazione che non č esagerato definire strategico e che ha fatto di Eni il primo partner commerciale di Gazprom. Le scelte nazionali di politica energetica, che hanno determinato una crescente dipendenza dall'approvvigionamento russo, influenzano fortemente la piů generale politica estera italiana, che crea malumore in Europa e negli Stati Uniti per il legame troppo forte e sbilanciato con Mosca.


2012 ◽  
pp. 51-90
Author(s):  
Giacomo Santucci
Keyword(s):  

Il saggio analizza le diverse risposte del giornalismo italiano all'ingresso in politica di Silvio Berlusconi e alla nascita del suo partito politico, Forza Italia. Partendo da una lettura sistematica della stampa del periodo, il testo prende quindi in esame l'orientamento dei principali quotidiani nazionali in relazione ai temi principali del dibattito politico che caratterizzarono la campagna elettorale del 1994: dall'apertura politica in favore di Gianfranco Fini, leader del Movimento sociale italiano, al tema del duplice ruolo di imprenditore ed esponente politico di Berlusconi, dalla nuova forma-partito di Forza Italia al tentativo di costruire un nuovo polo conservatore dopo la crisi del sistema partitico italiano, dalle difficoltŕ della duplice alleanza politica di centrodestra durante la campagna elettorale all'inizio delle indagini giudiziarie sul gruppo Fininvest. L'autore infine propone alcune osservazioni sul ruolo e sulla capacitŕ dei quotidiani di comprendere gli elementi di rottura incarnati da Forza Italia e il ruolo di Silvio Berlusconi come elemento innovativo nel panorama politico italiano


Sociétés ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 84 (2) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Vincenzo Susca
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Maurizio Ferrera

The pension systems of Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Greece are organized according to the Bismarckian blueprint: ‘corporatist’ schemes of compulsory insurance covering different occupational groups, with different regulations. Historically, Italy pioneered developments by introducing compulsory pension insurance in 1919. Portugal and Greece followed suit in the mid-1930s, while in Spain fully fledged compulsory pension insurance arrived in 1947. Between the 1950s and 1980s, the pension systems in Southern Europe were significantly expanded in terms of coverage and improved in terms of benefits. This chapter discusses the trajectory of pension reform in Italy, the largest country in Southern Europe. It describes the main pension reforms of the first pillar; the efforts for promoting the development of a second, funded pillar; and recent developments under the administration of Silvio Berlusconi. The chapter also examines the gradual transformation of the ‘end-of-contract-payment’ (TFR) scheme.


2020 ◽  
pp. 73-95
Author(s):  
Noelle Molé Liston

This chapter scrutinizes the political career of comedian-cum-politician Beppe Grillo, who founded the Five Star Movement, an algorithm party that currently co-rules Italy. It explores how Italy shifted from the glossy prepackaged world of Silvio Berlusconi toward a grassroots, Internet-driven, and algorithmic political movement. It also describes the Five Star Movement as a protest movement on populism, antipolitics, and anarchism. The chapter discusses Grillo's deployment of supernatural humor and political suspicion, as well as his otherworldly humor and cynical hypotheses that speak to brewing cultural and economic anxieties. It refers to Grillo's theories that offer citizens a scapegoat or an alternative explanation for Italy's socioeconomic crises and the labor of the supernatural.


Author(s):  
Anna Cento Bull

After the First World War, the country was torn apart by competing visions of what modern Italy should stand for and which values should bind Italians together. Against a background of high inflation, high unemployment, widespread social protests, soaring trade-union membership, and militancy, liberals, Catholics, socialists, nationalists, and fascists vied with each other for popular support. ‘Alternative projects of nationhood’ outlines Benito Mussolini’s fascist movement describing its failure as a totalitarian project. It then describes the rise and decline of the Christian democratic take on modern nationhood after the Second World War, before looking at the Second Republic’s modernization project epitomized by Silvio Berlusconi, which embraced consumerism and media culture.


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