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2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 191-228
Author(s):  
Barbara Patlewicz

In previous years Azerbaijan experienced only a few of leadership changes following independence in 1991. In 1992 Abulfaz Elchibey, the leader of the Popular Front, won first fairly contested presidential election. However the beginning of the current phase political life took place in 1993. As a result of the ensuing war, Armenian armed forces occupied then 14–16 percent of Azerbaijan (20 percent according to Azerbaijani sources), including the Nagorno-Karabakh region and seven surrounding districts. The collapse of the Popular Front government led to Heidar Aliev’s former communist party boss return to Baku as national leader. During his presidency (1993–2003), Aliev ensured political order, economic stabilization and peace, but suppressed political pluralism. At the time Azerbaijan has positioned itself on the international scene as an increasingly important actor, but in domestic politics system crafted by Aliev political power was concentrated in the hands post-Soviet cadres and regional clans. Ilham Aliev became president of the country in 2003. The period immediately preceding and following his reelection for a second term in October 2008 was marked by further steps towards the consolidation of the semiauthoritarian and authoritarian regime established by his father – Heidar.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Robert M. Franklin

Abstract This essay examines the life and leadership of the late congressman John Lewis as it illustrates key dimensions of American history, including slavery, the exploitative sharecropping economy, the protests of the Civil Rights Movement and student activism. This embodiment of the American experience rendered him a unique national leader and conscience of the Congress. Lewis is presented as fulfilling key rhetorical dimensions of the public intellectual as moralist for the nation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 353-369
Author(s):  
Idhamsyah Eka Putra ◽  
Hema Preya Selvanathan ◽  
Ali Mashuri ◽  
Cristina J. Montiel

In December 2019, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) accused the Myanmar government of genocide against Rohingya Muslims. Represented by Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar authorities denied such accusations. To understand how a political leader can deny ingroup wrongdoings, we unpacked Suu Kyi’s ICJ speech and analyzed her defensive rhetorical style through critical narrative analysis. We aimed to identify and describe the denial strategies Suu Kyi used as well as how she maintained a positive ingroup image to support her position. Our findings showed that Suu Kyi engaged in interpretative denial of genocide by arguing that genocide cannot occur when there is armed conflict, that there were victims and perpetrators on both sides, and that misconducts by law enforcement had been addressed. To maintain the ingroup’s positive image, she portrayed Myanmar as moral by emphasizing the government’s knowledge of ethical standards and laws, as well as their support for peace and justice. By examining political discourse used by a national leader internationally renowned for supporting human rights, our findings shed light on the dynamic, constructive nature of denial. Theoretical and applied contributions to understanding denial of ingroup wrongdoing are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pimpan Silpasuwan ◽  
Branom Rodcumdee ◽  
Anchalee Rerksngarm ◽  
Monthira Udchumpisai ◽  
Sumlee Saleekul ◽  
...  

This study aimed to examine women's life history and work on a successful Thai national leader. Method: An autobiographical research was designed. The data was derived from the self-history and related people; in all, 29 key informants were divided into 5 groups for individual interviews, using a different set of questions during 2019-2020. The empirical data's trustworthiness was thoroughly checked for reliability, and content analysis was used combined with life story work. Result: She was born before World War II. When her family broke up, she ran away to study in a nursing school during the ensuing political turbulence. Good morals, love of learning, and Buddhist religious faith were integrated into perseverance for work. She was promoted from nurse sergeant to major female general. By overcoming the glass ceiling glass of feminist obstacles, she held several important positions in local, national, and international organizations, rendering benefits and justice for underprivileged groups and royal project missions. Her inspiration stemming from the Buddhist essence guided her in promoting love, faith, and hope in praxis to benefit Thai society: Nation, Religion, and Royalty. Her authentic, ethical leadership identity through a successful path is recommended for promising ways to promote society's ethical leadership development.


Author(s):  
Heather Elliott ◽  
Monica Mulrennan ◽  
Alain Cuerrier

Indigenous food systems have been sites of deliberate and sustained disruption in the service of the settler colonial project on Turtle Island. The revitalization of traditional foodways is a powerful and popular means through which Indigenous Peoples are practicing cultural and political resurgence. We are at a crucial moment of societal reckoning reinforced by recent anti-racist uprisings and Indigenous Land Back actions. In this context, food movements have an important role to play in addressing ongoing colonial impacts on Indigenous food systems by supporting Indigenous Food Sovereignty as a way to advance reconciliation between settlers and Indigenous Peoples. Since its founding in 2005, Food Secure Canada (FSC) has become a national leader in food movements in Canada and its biennial Assembly is arguably the largest food movement event in the country. Despite its sustained engagement with Indigenous Peoples and significant efforts toward inclusion, its 2018 Assembly saw Indigenous people, Black people, and other people of color expressing important concerns, culminating in a walk-out on the last day. To understand how these events might guide transformative reconciliation in and through food movements, we analyzed 124 post-Assembly qualitative questionnaires, held 10 interviews, and analyzed organizational archives, in addition to conducting participant observation throughout the following year. This research portrays the actions taken at the Assembly to be a refusal of settler structures and processes, and the creation of a caucus space for Indigenous people, Black people, and other people of color as an act of resurgence. Engagement with FSC by a number of those involved with the protests throughout the year that followed, and the resultant commitment to center decolonization in FSC’s work, reveal the intimate connection between resurgence and reconciliation. These acts of generative refusal and resurgence are an essential part of efforts toward reconciliation without assimilation, aligned in a shared struggle toward the decolonized futures at the heart of food sovereignty for all.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-73
Author(s):  
Tomohiko Uyama

Using the “path-dependence” concept and D. Slater’s thesis on the consolidation of elites around national threats, the author examines the factors infl uencing the formation of diff erent authoritarian political systems in the Central Asian states. A critical aspect of the formation of political systems in this region was the events from the mid-1980s to the collapse of the Soviet Union. In terms of the structure of the study, the article consistently examines how interethnic and other political confl icts demonstrated the (un)ability of leaders to cope with crises. In particular, it shows that the inability to cope with political challenges in Kyrgyzstan marked the beginning of “pluralism by default.” Moscow’s involvement in the personnel issues in the republics, especially in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, undermined local elites and increased the overall sense of threat to political stability, which eventually rallied elites and gave rise to expectations of a strong leader. We also note that a notably fortifi ed power hierarchy was established where the new national leader perceived threats from his political rivals (in Uzbekistan). Conversely, the existence of a strong opposition prevented the rapid establishment of authoritarianism. In Tajikistan, for example, a split of the elite led to a civil war, but due to the greater stability of its governmental wing, the president subsequently managed to establish a hard authoritarian regime. In Turkmenistan, the country’s leader took advantage of the lack of threats to establish a dictatorship. Thus, external challenges contribute to the consolidation of elites, while the risks of internal competition contribute to the concentration of power in the hands of an authoritarian leader. On the contrary, prolonged threats divide elites, lead to mass confl icts or the formation of a relatively democratic but unstable system of state power.


Significance This has intensified political wrangling among potential aspirants in the south-west, the southern geopolitical zone with the largest voting bloc. The former Lagos State governor and APC national leader, Bola Tinubu, is frontrunner, but Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi, chairman of the influential Nigeria Governors' Forum, reportedly harbours presidential ambitions. Impacts The APC is likely to weather recent party turmoil in Ekiti but attempts to sideline Tinubu will probably intensify as primaries approach. Competition for control of state APC structures will intensify; legal and extra-legal skirmishes are likely in APC battleground states. Buhari is unlikely to anoint a successor, given his largely hands-off approach, spurring further wrangling before the APC’s 2022 primaries. Fayemi's popularity among some APC governors and his politically more favourable religious affiliation may give him an edge over Tinubu.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 563-576
Author(s):  
Kamarul Zaman Rambe ◽  
Reny Andriyanty

The objectives of this study to examine the significance of relationship between the characteristics of the president of the Republic of Indonesia, the president’s decision making and the president’s changing responds on development performance in Indonesia based on young generation cohort.  Through this research, will be obtained the  recommendation for the formulation of an ideal national leader model according to the times.  This research implements a descriptive method. The datas were analyzed using structural equations.  The character of the president is not confirmed that it have a significant direct and indirect correlation with development performance.  There decision making pattern corelated with development performance at the 10 percent significance level.  Decision making by the president is based on successive factors, they are as follow: group decision making, decision making with Delphi techniques and participatory decision making.  The analysis of the changing response was confirmed to have a relationship with the development performance at a significance level of 10 percent. Sensitivity factors that have a substantial influences are: technological changes respond, sensitivity to national & global economic changes respond, and sensitivity to social respond change and sensitivity to respond change in general.


Author(s):  
Rahima Talibli

The article is devoted to the generalized development of the legal mechanism and analysis of various directions of the state youth policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan. Analyzed the progress of the implementation of the relevant regulatory legal acts and programs. The ever-growing role of youth in the social and political life of the country is assessed. The state youth policy established by the National Leader Heydar Aliyev and successfully continued by President Ilham Aliyev is considered. It is concluded that youth policy is at the heart of the reform of human resources. Much attention in the state youth policy is paid to the identification, support and development of talented youth.


2021 ◽  
pp. 014616722098798
Author(s):  
Meital Balmas ◽  
Eran Halperin

People’s default levels of empathy toward members of a distant group tend to be low. The current research shows that favorable perceptions regarding the personality of a group’s leader can stimulate empathy and pro-social behavior toward his or her countrymen. In four experimental studies ( N = 884), we found that exposure to a news article that positively (vs. negatively) characterizes a foreign national leader (vs. non-national leader) led to (a) increased levels of empathy toward distressed citizens of that leader’s nation, (b) willingness to help those citizens, (c) motivation to invest time in inspecting additional information elucidating the circumstances that led to this adversity, and (d) an actual monetary donation for the benefit of those people. This effect turned out to be prominent when the national leader’s domestic popularity was perceived as high. The results show that national leaders are in a position to contribute to more empathetic inter-society relations and enhance pro-social behavior.


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