scholarly journals ՍԹՐԵՍԻ ԱՌԱՋԱՑՄԱՆ ՊԱՏՃԱՌՆԵՐԸ ԴՊՐՈՑՈՒՄ ԵՎ ԴՐԱՆՑ ԿԱՆԽԱՐԳԵԼՄԱՆ ՄԵԽԱՆԻԶՄՆԵՐԸ / CAUSES OF STRESS IN SCHOOL AND HOW TO DEAL WITH THEM

2021 ◽  
pp. 168-178
Author(s):  
J. Hovhannisyan
Keyword(s):  
Person Features

Սթրեսներից խուսափելու համար անհրաժեշտ է տիրապետել մի շարք հոգեբանական մեթոդների, որոնք թույլ կտան ապրել ազատ,գիտակցված կյանքով,կօգնեն ճիշտ գնահատել իրավիճակը և կարողանալ հաղթահարել ցանկացած խոչընդոտ: Գոյություն ունեն սթրեսի շտկման բազմաթիվ մեթոդներ: / To avoid the stress you need to apply some phycological methods that allow to live free and conscious life,will help to assess the situation correctly and overcome any obstacle. To overcome the stress there are different methods. You have to choose from them that fits a person features.

Syncretism of plural forms in Spanish Dialects

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
María Mare
Keyword(s):  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Person Plural ◽  
Person Features ◽  
Third Person ◽  
Lexical Items ◽  
First Person Plural ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Third Person ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
Spanish Dialects

Abstract One of the main discussions about the interaction between morphology and syntax revolves around the richness or poverty of features and wherever this richness/poverty is found either in the syntactic structure or the lexical items. A phenomenon subject to this debate has been syncretism, especially in theories that assume late insertion such as Distributed Morphology. This paper delves into the syncretism observed between the first person plural and the third person in the clitic domain in some Spanish dialects. Our analysis will lead to a revision of the distribution of person features and their relationship with plural number, while at the same time it will shed light on other morphological alternations displayed in Spanish dialects; that is, subject-verb unagreement and mesoclisis in imperatives. In order to explain the behavior of the data under discussion, I propose that lexical items are specified for all the relevant features at the moment of insertion, although the values of these features can be neutralized. I argue that the distribution proposed allows for some fundamental generalizations about the vocabulary inventories in Spanish varieties, and shows that the variation pattern exhibits an *ABA effect, i.e., only contiguous cells in a paradigm are syncretic.

scholarly journals Null Subjects in Early Icelandic

2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kari Kinn ◽  
Kristian A. Rusten ◽  
George Walkden
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Regression Analysis ◽  
Late Stage ◽  
Null Subjects ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Person Features ◽  
History Of

This paper investigates the possibility of subject omission in the history of Icelandic, including the syntactic and pragmatic conditions under which it could arise. Based on regression analysis of substantial data drawn from the IcePaHC corpus, we provide robust quantitative support for Hjartardóttir's (1987) claim that null subjects persist until a very late stage in Icelandic. We also argue, contra Sigurðsson (1993), that only one licensing mechanism is needed for null subjects in early Icelandic. Moreover, on the basis of the position of the null subjects and their person features, we argue that the modern stage, where (predominantly 3rd person)pro-drop yields to a system permitting topic drop of all persons, arises in Icelandic in the early twentieth century.*

Extending the Person-Case Constraint to Gender: Agreement, Locality, and the Syntax of Pronouns

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Steven Foley ◽  
Maziar Toosarvandani
Keyword(s):  
Gender Agreement ◽  
Functional Head ◽  
Person Case Constraint ◽  
Person Features ◽  
Asymmetrical Shape ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Combinatorial Space ◽  
Crosslinguistic Variation ◽  
Gender System

In many languages with clitic or other weak pronouns, a Person-Case Constraint (Perlmutter 1971, Bonet 1991) prohibits certain combinations of these pronouns on the basis of their person features. This article explores the crosslinguistic variation in such constraints, starting with several closely related Zapotec varieties. These restrict combinations of clitics not just on the basis of person, but also on the basis of a finely articulated, largely animacy-based gender system. Operating within a larger combinatorial space, these constraints offer a new perspective on the typology of Phi-Case Constraints (ΦCCs) more generally. This typology has an overall asymmetrical shape correlating with the underlying syntactic position of pronominal arguments. We develop a principled theory of this typology that incorporates three hypotheses: (a) ΦCCs arise from how a functional head Agrees with clitic pronouns, subject to intervention-based locality (Anagnostopoulou 2003, Béjar and Rezac 2003, 2009); (b) the variation in these constraints arises from variation in the relativization of probes (Anagnostopoulou 2005, Nevins 2007, 2011); and (c) clitic and other weak pronouns have no inherent need to be licensed via Agree with a functional head. Under this account, the crosslinguistic typology of ΦCCs has the potential to shed light on the grammatical representation of person and gender.

Oldfangled and

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Harbour
Keyword(s):  
Current Theory ◽  
First Order ◽  
Person Features ◽  
First Order Predicates

Traditional accounts of person assume that features denote first order predicates, that their values denote one-place truth functors, and that feature bundles are held together semantically by conjunction. Crucially, conjunction is a commutative operation, unlike those belonging to the current theory. The current chapter explores the consequences of semantics commutativity for theories of person features. Reviewing a range of influential accounts, it shows that these are accounts undergenerate if given only two features, but overgenerate if given more, and that means of trimming the generative excess are unsatisfactory. The chapter also compares three analyses of Bininj-Gunwok, which has a tripartite person for objects but quadripartite for person, arguing that the smallest feature inventory yields the most compact account.

On the role of person in the mapping of syntactic features onto their interpretable counterparts

2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 649-672
Author(s):  
Ivona Kučerová
Keyword(s):  
Division Of Labour ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Semantic Features ◽  
Ongoing Debate ◽  
Syntactic Features ◽  
Person Features ◽  
The Subject

AbstractPerson features play a role in narrow-syntax processes. However, a person feature is often characterized as [±participant], a characterization that suggests pragmatic or semantic features. Relatedly, person has been the subject of an ongoing debate in the literature: one family of approaches argues that 3rd person is an elsewhere case, while another argues that it is a valued interpretable feature. This article provides a programatic argument that this disagreement has a principled basis. I argue that the representation of the features we identify as person changes between narrow syntax and the syntax-semantics interface. The tests and empirical descriptions are incongruent because they target different modules of the grammar and in turn different grammatical objects. The article thus contributes to our understanding of the division of labour among the modules, with a special focus on the autonomous status of narrow syntax.

A relativized probing approach to person encoding in local scenarios

2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doreen Georgi
Keyword(s):  
Person Features ◽  
Vocabulary Insertion ◽  
Non Local ◽  
Person Hierarchy ◽  
Person Agreement ◽  
Empirical Generalizations

In this paper I discuss three empirical generalizations about local scenarios: (i) four different realization strategies found cross-linguistically, (ii) an asymmetry in the number of arguments encoded on the verb in languages with person hierarchy-effects in non-local scenarios and (iii) the fact that person portmanteaux are particularly prominent in local scenarios. I claim that all three generalizations can be derived if Agree is relativized to target only positively valued person features on a goal. (ii) falls out directly from the Agree mechanism. (i) is a purely morphological phenomenon arising from the specification of local person exponents. Person portmanteaux are analyzed as inclusive markers in a derived inclusive context. Such a context can only emerge in local scenarios, which derives (iii). In general, the paper addresses the question how morphological theories that rely on discrete slots can handle portmanteaux by vocabulary insertion, without additional mechanisms like e.g. fusion. Keywords: Agree; relativized probing; person agreement; local scenarios; portmanteau morphemes; hierarchy effects; underspecification

Multiple constraints and the resolution of Korean null subject anaphor

2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sook Whan Cho ◽  
Hyun Jin Hwangbo
Keyword(s):  
First Person ◽  
Null Subjects ◽  
Processing Load ◽  
Null Subject ◽  
Person Features ◽  
Third Person ◽  
The Mind ◽  
Syntactic Cues ◽  
Discourse Topic ◽  
Better Than

This study investigates how Korean adults interpret and identify the referent of a null subject in a narrative text, given different types of topic continuity and person features. We have found that the first-person feature was most accessible in the weak topicality condition in resolving the null subjects, and that the target sentences ending with the first-person modal suffix ‘-lay’ were read and responded to faster, and interpreted more correctly than other types of stimuli involving a third-person modal (‘-tay’) and a person-neutral modal (‘-e’). Furthermore, of the two first-person-specific featured types, the null subjects in the topically weak contexts were processed significantly better than those in the topically strong conditions. It was argued that anaphoric dependency would be formed more discursively than morpho-syntactically in the strong discourse continuity contexts involving no extra processing load due to the shift among multiple eligible candidates. It was also argued that, in the absence of discourse topic assigned strongly to more than one eligible referent in advance, morpho-syntactic cues involved in verb modality are likely to become prominent in the mind of the processor. It is concluded that these main findings support a constraint-based approach, but not the Centering-inspired work.

The emergence of creole subject–verb agreement and the licensing of null subjects

2000 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriam Meyerhoff
Keyword(s):  
Solomon Islands ◽  
Universal Grammar ◽  
Null Subjects ◽  
Null Subject ◽  
Verb Agreement ◽  
Person Features ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Subject Agreement ◽  
Finite Clause ◽  
Consistent Support

A corpus of conversational Bislama (a Melanesian creole spoken in Vanuatu, related to Tok Pisin and Solomon Islands Pijin) suggests that during the 20th century the creole has developed a set of regular inflectional morphemes on the verb that agree in person and number with the subject of the finite clause. It is shown that, where the agreement paradigm is referentially richest, the language is also beginning to grammaticize a tendency towards phonetically null subjects (pro-drop). Three possible analyses of the Bislama verb phrase are evaluated; consistent support for only one is found in the spoken Bislama corpus. The resulting paradigm of subject–verb agreement (i, oli, and Ø) is analyzed in terms of the historical development of Bislama. It is argued that the synchronic agreement marking reflects properties derived from (i) the lexifier (English), (ii) the substrate languages, and (iii) universal grammar. No one component fully accounts for the patterns of agreement marking observed. Instead, a synthesis of all three is required, as previously observed by, for example, G. Sankoff (1984) and Mufwene (1996). Substrate languages provide a model for subject agreement prefixing on the verb; the person features associated with the lexifier ‘he’ continue to be reflected in the distribution of Bislama i; and phonetically null subjects are emerging as the norm where the agreement paradigm best serves to identify the subject referent. This is consonant with generative accounts of null subject systems. Parallels with other languages (e.g., Italian, Franco-Provençal, Hebrew, Finnish) are examined.

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