scholarly journals Obligatory and Non-Obligatory Control in Irish and Polish

2006 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 99-118
Author(s):  
Anna Bondaruk ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Partial Control ◽  
Obligatory Control ◽  
De Se ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Complement Clauses ◽  
The One ◽  
Aspectual Verbs ◽  
Strict Reading

This paper aims at establishing a typology of control in Irish and Polish non-finite clauses. First, seven classes of predicates taking non-finite complements in Irish and Polish are specified. They include: modal (e.g. must), aspectual (e.g. start), implicative (e.g. manage), factive (e.g. like), prepositional (e.g. say), desiderative (e.g. want) and interrogative verbs (e.g. ask). Whereas modals and aspectuals typically take raising complements, the remaining predicate classes require control complements. Control clauses in Polish always have a covert PRO subject, while in Irish their subject may be either the covert PRO or an overt DP. The PRO subject may be either obligatorily controlled or is controlled optionally. The criteria adopted in distinguishing obligatory control (OC) from non-obligatory control (NOC) are based on Landau (2000) and comprise the following: (1) a. Arbitrary Control is impossible in OC, possible in NOC; b. Long-distance control is impossible in OC, possible in NOC; c. Strict reading of PRO is impossible in OC, possible in NOC; d. De re reading of PRO is impossible in OC (only de se), possible in NOC. The validity of these criteria for establishing the OC/NOC contrast in Irish and Polish is scrutinised. Various contexts are examined where both these control types obtain in the two languages studied. Most notably, OC tends to occur in complement clauses, while NOC is often found in subject and adjunct clauses both in Irish and Polish. Within the class of OC, two subgroups are recognised, namely exhaustive control (EC) and partial control (PC). The former control type holds when the reference of PRO and its antecedent are identical, whereas the latter type of control is attested when the reference of PRO covers the reference of its antecedent, but is not entirely co-extensive with it, e.g.: (2) a. Maryᵢ managed [PROᵢ to win] = EC; b. Maryᵢ wanted [PRO + to meet at 6] = PC. EC and PC are found in analogous contexts in Irish and Polish. EC occurs in complements to modal, implicative and aspectual verbs, while PC is limited to complements to factive, desiderative, prepositional and interrogative predicates. It is argued that EC-complements lack independent tense specification, while PC-complements are marked for tense independent from the one expressed in the matrix clause. PC-complements both in Irish and Polish must contain a semantically plural predicate (cf. meet in (2b)), but they can never exhibit a syntactically plural element.

Functional and anaphoric control

2019 ◽  
pp. 545-601
Author(s):  
Mary Dalrymple ◽  
John J. Lowe ◽  
Louise Mycock
Keyword(s):  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Partial Control ◽  
Subject And Object ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Syntactic Relations ◽  
Lexical Constraints

This chapter explores the syntax and semantics of functional and anaphoric control, constructions in which either syntactic or lexical constraints require coreference between an argument of the matrix clause (the controller) and an argument of a subordinate or modifying adjunct clause (the controllee). Such cases include the classes of “raising” verbs (Section 15.2) and “equi” verbs (Section 15.4). Crosslinguistically, descriptions of such constructions involve reference to functional syntactic relations such as subject and object; therefore, the syntactic discussion in this chapter is primarily centered around the f-structures of functional and anaphoric control constructions. A detailed semantic analyses of functional and anaphoric control constructions is also presented, considering arbitrary, obligatory, and quasi-obligatory (partial) control relations, and a discussion of the syntax and semantics of control in adjuncts (Section 15.8).

scholarly journals Mitigating Commitment through Negation

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 685-706
Author(s):  
María Jesús Pérez Quintero
Keyword(s):  
Complex Phenomenon ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Complement Clause ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Complement Clauses ◽  
Discourse Grammar ◽  
Point Of Departure

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to show that the theory of Functional Discourse Grammar constitutes a powerful model to account for the complex phenomenon of Neg-Raising in a consistent and systematic way. Previous studies on Neg-Raising, the phenomenon involving the transfer of the negative from a complement clause to the matrix clause, have traditionally characterized it in terms of syntactic and, more extensively, semantic criteria. These studies have focused on the delimitation of the type of verbs involved in this construction, since Neg-Raising is only allowed by some complement taking verbs, all related to certain kinds of modality. However, despite having been studied extensively, Neg-Raising remains an unclear phenomenon in certain respects. Taking as a point of departure the classification of Complement Clauses resulting from the application of the three parameters (Entity Type, Presupposition and Factuality) proposed within Functional Discourse Grammar, it is possible to arrive at a consistent delimitation of the constructions exhibiting Neg-Raising. Furthermore, the Morphological Level allows accounting for Neg- Raising without resorting to any kind of movement rule. It is through the operation of Morphological Encoding that the negative comes to occupy its position in the matrix clause.

scholarly journals Icelandic Control Is Not A-Movement: The Case from Case

2009 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan David Bobaljik ◽  
Idan Landau
Keyword(s):  
Relevant Literature ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Subsequent Work ◽  
Nominative Case ◽  
Case Assignment ◽  
Obligatory Control ◽  
Movement Theory ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Infinitival Complements ◽  
Domain Independent

A rich literature on Icelandic syntax has established that infinitival complements of obligatory control verbs constitute a case assignment domain independent from the matrix clause, and in this differ systematically from all types of A-movement, which manifest case dependence/preservation. As Landau (2003) has observed, these facts provide significant counterevidence to the movement theory of control (Hornstein 1999 and subsequent work). Boeckx and Hornstein (2006a) attempt to defend this theory in light of data from Icelandic. We offer here a review of the relevant literature, and we show that Boeckx and Hornstein's reply fails on several counts. We further argue that contrary to their claims, PRO in Icelandic receives structural rather than default (nominative) case, leaving the movement theory with no account for the distinction between PRO and lexical subjects.

scholarly journals Coreference relations in complex sentence with a complement clause

2015 ◽  
Vol 71 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 187-202
Author(s):  
Jasmina Moskovljevic-Popovic
Keyword(s):  
Shared Control ◽  
Complex Sentence ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Complement Clause ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Complement Clauses ◽  
The Relationship

The main purpose of this paper is to analyze different co reference relations which can be established in a complex sentence between one of the arguments of the matrix clause and the understood/implicit subject of the complement clause introduced by the complementizer ?da?. Various patterns of control relations which are present in contemporary Serbian - obligatory, non-obligatory, and shared control - have been enumerated and exemplified. Different types of constructions and different classes of verbs which introduce (or may introduce) control relations have been identified and patterns of control instantiated by them have been described. It has been argued that the analysis of the Serbian data indicates that a type of the matrix predicate is not the only factor which determines the control relations established in a complex sentence, but that a type of situation/event described in the complement clause, as well as the relationship between the events denoted by the matrix and the complement clauses have their influence too.

scholarly journals Vom Matrixsatz zum Diskursmaker: Die Grammatikalisierung von Hauptsache

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 185
Author(s):  
Ferran Robles Sabater
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Semantic Features ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Functional Characteristics ◽  
Discourse Marker ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
The One ◽  
Discourse Particle ◽  
Conceptual Meaning

<p>This paper has a double purpose. On the one hand, it intends to prove the existence of a discourse marker (DM) Hauptsache. This element preserves the core conceptual meaning of the homonymous noun, but differs from it with regard to its morphosyntactic and semantic features as well as to its discourse-organizing, information structuring, and modal functions. On the other hand, the emergence of Hauptsache as a discourse particle is explained on the grounds of a grammaticalization process similar to the ones described for the prototypical German DMs. Evidence drawn from a corpus of German and Austrian parliamentary protocols will show in which ways the six fundamental processes implied in the grammaticalization of DMs (decategorization, scope expansion, subjectification, persistence, syntactic fixation, phonetic and/or morphosyntactic reduction) can be found in the evolution from the matrix clause die Hauptsache is to the monolexematic Hauptsache. The paper ends with a brief discussion of the formal, semantical, and functional characteristics of Hauptsache.</p>

Archi

2021 ◽  
pp. 279-316
Author(s):  
Marina Chumakina
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
The Other ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Language Endangerment ◽  
Complex Sentences ◽  
Complement Clauses ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Adverbial Clauses ◽  
The One

The chapter provides a description of Archi, a Lezgic language of the Nakh-Daghestanian family spoken in one village in the highlands of Daghestan. First, the current sociolinguistic situation delivers a view of the language endangerment risks, then the chapter gives an overview of Archi phonological system and discusses the morphosyntactic properties of Archi nouns, pronouns, and minor lexical classes. Next, the article gives an overview of the Archi verb morphosyntax. The chapter then discusses the structure of the simple clause covering such topics as word order, finiteness, valency classes, negation, and agreement, among others. Complex sentences (clause chaining and converbs, relative clauses, complement clauses, adverbial clauses, and long-distance anaphora) are discussed. The chapter closes with outstanding issues that require further research. Whenever possible, the chapter views Archi against the general background of Nakh-Daghestanian languages and discusses the similarities and differences. Due to its unusual history (a Lezgic language which lost the contact with other languages of the group very early on and developed with Lak and Avar as its immediate neighbors), Archi has preserved some archaic phonological as well as morphosyntactic features of Lezgic on the one hand and shows the results of the contact with non-Lezgic languages on the other.

Langeafstandsverplaatsing in het Nederlands, Engels en Duits* : De sandwich ontleed

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-78
Author(s):  
Ankelien Schippers ◽  
Jack Hoeksema
Keyword(s):  
Generative Grammar ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Corpus Data ◽  
Embedded Clause ◽  
Diachronic Development ◽  
Long Distance Movement ◽  
Dependent Clause

Abstract In this article, we present corpus data from Dutch and English on long-distance movement and discuss its diachronic development in Dutch, English and German. Long-distance movement is the displacement phenomenon characterized by the appearance of a part of a dependent clause in a higher clause (e.g. What crimes did the FBI discover he had committed?). It has played a central role within generative grammar over the past few decades. The picture that emerges is that long-distance movement appears to be currently most productive in English and least productive in German, whereas Dutch occupies an in-between position. As we will argue, the productivity of long-distance movement is strongly tied to the availability of functional alternatives. German has at least three of such alternatives that are fully productive, whereas Dutch has one particularly productive one. The alternative constructions do not involve long-distance movement: the dependency between the constituent in the matrix clause and the position in the embedded clause where it is interpreted is formed indirectly, in the semantics, and not via syntactic movement. In English, long-distance movement is most productive when the complementizer is deleted. This is not just the case for subject movement but also for non-subject movement. Special attention is paid to the so-called that-trace effect and its alleged absence in German and Dutch. The general conclusion is that long-distance movement is possible in all languages under consideration, but more restricted than commonly assumed.

scholarly journals Particípios parasíticos em português? O caso do gerúndio composto

2019 ◽  
pp. 117-133
Author(s):  
Vanessa López
Keyword(s):  
Main Clause ◽  
Romance Languages ◽  
Temporal Relations ◽  
Past Participle ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Germanic Languages

The compound gerund (gerund of the auxiliary + past participle) in Romance languages typically expresses an anteriority relation between the situation described by the (adjunct) gerund clause and the one described by the main clause, i.e. it locates the situation of the gerund clause before the one of the main clause. However, in Portuguese the compound form can also be associated with temporal relations of posteriority, overlapping and temporal underspecification (see Leal, 2001; Móia & Viotti, 2005; Lobo, 2006; Cunha et al., 2008 a.o.). This non-anteriority compound gerund exhibits certain peculiarities, namely (i) it can only occur to the right of the matrix clause, (ii) it can freely alternate with the simple gerund, without affecting the interpretation of the clause, and (iii) it can only co-occur with certain T heads in the matrix clause, namely with those containing an [+ ANTERIOR] feature. Wurmbrand (2012) describes a similar set of properties for the parasitic participles in Germanic languages and explains them through feature valuation in Reverse Agree. In this paper, I will argue that the Portuguese non-anteriority compound gerund is a product of the same syntactic mechanism and occurs due to feature valuation of the gerund T against the matrix T in Upward Agree.

Control in a cross-linguistic perspective: French-Norwegian

2010 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 194-207
Author(s):  
Hans Petter Helland
Keyword(s):  
Control Theory ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Obligatory Control ◽  
Arbitrary Reference ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Multilingual Corpus ◽  
Traditional Sense ◽  
The Subject ◽  
French Original ◽  
Parallel Texts

In this chapter, we examine control configurations in French gérondif clauses in which the referential properties of the implicit subject argument (PRO) have to be determined by contextual (linguistic and extra-linguistic) factors. We compare the control facts with parallel Norwegian translations. As a Germanic language, Norwegian does not have equivalent gérondif constructions, hence leaving it to the translator to resolve the control facts left unspecified in the French original. Traditionally, it is held that the implicit subject of the gérondif has to be the same as the subject of the matrix clause. It will be shown that this generalisation does not hold. In fact, PRO may have an explicit controller that is either a subject, an object or a prepositional complement of the matrix. The controller may also have an arbitrary reference. As a result, the resolution of PRO in the traditional sense will be regulated by control theory and discussed with respect to obligatory and non-obligatory control contrasts (OC vs. NOC) in generative settings. The data is taken from the Oslo Multilingual Corpus (OMC). This database enables us to compare parallel texts from Norwegian, English, German and French. We focus here primarily on Norwegian translations of French originals.

Past Participle Agreement in Codeswitching Contexts

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gloria Cocchi ◽  
Cristina Pierantozzi
Keyword(s):  
Gender Relations ◽  
Past Participle ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
The Matrix

In this work we will test the ability of nominal gender to be ‘infinitely reusable as an “active goal” for the operation Agree’ (Carstens, 2010) in mixed Italian/ English clauses. In particular, we will analyse long-distance gender relations that are realised outside the DP domain in compound ergative clauses, where an Italian ergative past participle must agree in gender (and number) with the DP-syntactic subject: specifically, the ‘active goal’ for the operation Agree may be either a monolingual English DP or a mixed DP. Moreover, the mixed ergative clauses will be embedded under an English or an Italian matrix clause, in order to see if the language of the latter affects acceptability judgements. Crucially, we aimed to assess which mixed agreement patterns are preferred in codeswitching contexts, as well as the role played by the language of the matrix clause. Furthermore, we have tested and shown to what extent the Matrix Language Framework is adequate to account for the acceptability of the various mixed combinations.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document