scholarly journals Coreference relations in complex sentence with a complement clause

2015 ◽  
Vol 71 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 187-202
Author(s):  
Jasmina Moskovljevic-Popovic
Keyword(s):  
Shared Control ◽  
Complex Sentence ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Complement Clause ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Complement Clauses ◽  
The Relationship

The main purpose of this paper is to analyze different co reference relations which can be established in a complex sentence between one of the arguments of the matrix clause and the understood/implicit subject of the complement clause introduced by the complementizer ?da?. Various patterns of control relations which are present in contemporary Serbian - obligatory, non-obligatory, and shared control - have been enumerated and exemplified. Different types of constructions and different classes of verbs which introduce (or may introduce) control relations have been identified and patterns of control instantiated by them have been described. It has been argued that the analysis of the Serbian data indicates that a type of the matrix predicate is not the only factor which determines the control relations established in a complex sentence, but that a type of situation/event described in the complement clause, as well as the relationship between the events denoted by the matrix and the complement clauses have their influence too.

scholarly journals Mitigating Commitment through Negation

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 685-706
Author(s):  
María Jesús Pérez Quintero
Keyword(s):  
Complex Phenomenon ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Complement Clause ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Complement Clauses ◽  
Discourse Grammar ◽  
Point Of Departure

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to show that the theory of Functional Discourse Grammar constitutes a powerful model to account for the complex phenomenon of Neg-Raising in a consistent and systematic way. Previous studies on Neg-Raising, the phenomenon involving the transfer of the negative from a complement clause to the matrix clause, have traditionally characterized it in terms of syntactic and, more extensively, semantic criteria. These studies have focused on the delimitation of the type of verbs involved in this construction, since Neg-Raising is only allowed by some complement taking verbs, all related to certain kinds of modality. However, despite having been studied extensively, Neg-Raising remains an unclear phenomenon in certain respects. Taking as a point of departure the classification of Complement Clauses resulting from the application of the three parameters (Entity Type, Presupposition and Factuality) proposed within Functional Discourse Grammar, it is possible to arrive at a consistent delimitation of the constructions exhibiting Neg-Raising. Furthermore, the Morphological Level allows accounting for Neg- Raising without resorting to any kind of movement rule. It is through the operation of Morphological Encoding that the negative comes to occupy its position in the matrix clause.

scholarly journals The Syntactic and Semantiс Properties of Modal Words in German

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-17
Author(s):  
A. Averina
Keyword(s):  
Transformation Method ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Different Types ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Third Person ◽  
Modal Semantics ◽  
Syntactic Properties ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Third Person ◽  
Source Of Information

The aim of the article is to examine the semantic and syntactic properties of modal words in German. The paper analyzes the types of modal semantics which are encoded in modal words; the peculiarities of the syntactic use of modal words are shown; the relationship between the type of modal semantics and their syntactic use is revealed, and the question which words with evaluative semantics can be classified as modal is considered. The relevance of this kind of work is determined by the following circumstances: firstly, it is necessary to describe the syntax and the semantics of modal words and their grammar features; secondly, it is important to reveal the relationship between modality and evaluativity and, thirdly, to define the conditions under which modal words can encode not one but several modal meanings. By using the transformation method and the method of component analysis the following groups of modal words were identified: modal words with alethic semantics; modal words with epistemic semantics; modal words with evidential semantics. Some modal words build separate groups: The modal word angeblich has evidential semantics, because it indicates the third person as a source of information; the modal word wahrscheinlich can have epistemic or evidential or alethic and evidential semantics; the modal word leider is able to express an emotional attitude of the speaker. The identification of different types of modal words is possible through the research of their syntactic properties, namely: the usage in dependent object clauses with the epistemic and factive predicate in the matrix clause; in conditional sentences as well as the ability to have independent usage as an answer to a question without a question word.

Subordinate clauses

2019 ◽  
pp. 237-288
Author(s):  
Jan Terje Faarlund
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Main Clause ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Subordinate Clauses ◽  
Different Types ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Infinitival Clauses ◽  
Finite Verb ◽  
Nominal Clauses

In subordinate clauses, the C position is occupied by a complementizer word, which may be null. The finite verb stays in V. SpecCP is either empty or occupied by a wh-word, or by some other element indicating its semantic function. Nominal clauses are finite or non-finite. Finite nominal clauses are declarative or interrogative. Declarative nominal clauses may under specific circumstances have main clause word order (‘embedded V2’). Infinitival clauses are marked by an infinitive marker, which is either in C (Swedish), or immediately above V (Danish). Norwegian has both options. Relative clauses comprise several different types; clauses with a relativized nominal argument are mostly introduced by a complementizer; adverbial relative clauses relativize a locative or temporal phrase, with or without a complementizer; comparative clauses relativize a degree or identity. Under hard-to-define circumstances depending on language and region, subordinate clauses allow extraction of phrases up into the matrix clause.

scholarly journals Effects of semantic and syntactic complexities and aspectual class on past tense production

2003 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 149-175
Author(s):  
Ayumi Matsuo
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Past Tense ◽  
Complex Sentence ◽  
Simple Sentence ◽  
Complex Sentences ◽  
Complement Clause ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Series Of Experiments ◽  
Topic Time ◽  
Simple Sentences

This paper reports results from a series of experiments that investigated whether semantic and/or syntactic complexity influences young Dutch children’s production of past tense forms. The constructions used in the three experiments were (i) simple sentences (the Simple Sentence Experiment), (ii) complex sentences with CP complements (the Complement Clause Experiment) and (iii) complex sentences with relative clauses (the Relative Clause Experiment). The stimuli involved both atelic and telic predicates. The goal of this paper is to address the following questions. Q1. Does semantic complexity regarding temporal anchoring influence the types of errors that children make in the experiments? For example, do children make certain types of errors when a past tense has to be anchored to the Utterance Time (UT), as compared to when it has to be anchored to the matrix topic time (TT)? Q2. Do different syntactic positions influence children’s performance on past-tense production? Do children perform better in the Simple Sentence Experiment compared to complex sentences involving two finite clauses (the Complement Clause Experiment and the Relative Clause Experiment)? In complex sentence trials, do children perform differently when the CPs are complements vs. when the CPs are adjunct clauses? (Lebeaux 1990, 2000) Q3. Do Dutch children make more errors with certain types of predicate (such as atelic predicates)? Alternatively, do children produce a certain type of error with a certain type of predicates (such as producing a perfect aspect with punctual predicates)? Bronckart and Sinclair (1973), for example, found that until the age of 6, French children showed a tendency to use passé composé with perfective events and simple present with imperfective events; we will investigate whether or not the equivalent of this is observed in Dutch.  

scholarly journals Obligatory and Non-Obligatory Control in Irish and Polish

2006 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 99-118
Author(s):  
Anna Bondaruk ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Partial Control ◽  
Obligatory Control ◽  
De Se ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Complement Clauses ◽  
The One ◽  
Aspectual Verbs ◽  
Strict Reading

This paper aims at establishing a typology of control in Irish and Polish non-finite clauses. First, seven classes of predicates taking non-finite complements in Irish and Polish are specified. They include: modal (e.g. must), aspectual (e.g. start), implicative (e.g. manage), factive (e.g. like), prepositional (e.g. say), desiderative (e.g. want) and interrogative verbs (e.g. ask). Whereas modals and aspectuals typically take raising complements, the remaining predicate classes require control complements. Control clauses in Polish always have a covert PRO subject, while in Irish their subject may be either the covert PRO or an overt DP. The PRO subject may be either obligatorily controlled or is controlled optionally. The criteria adopted in distinguishing obligatory control (OC) from non-obligatory control (NOC) are based on Landau (2000) and comprise the following: (1) a. Arbitrary Control is impossible in OC, possible in NOC; b. Long-distance control is impossible in OC, possible in NOC; c. Strict reading of PRO is impossible in OC, possible in NOC; d. De re reading of PRO is impossible in OC (only de se), possible in NOC. The validity of these criteria for establishing the OC/NOC contrast in Irish and Polish is scrutinised. Various contexts are examined where both these control types obtain in the two languages studied. Most notably, OC tends to occur in complement clauses, while NOC is often found in subject and adjunct clauses both in Irish and Polish. Within the class of OC, two subgroups are recognised, namely exhaustive control (EC) and partial control (PC). The former control type holds when the reference of PRO and its antecedent are identical, whereas the latter type of control is attested when the reference of PRO covers the reference of its antecedent, but is not entirely co-extensive with it, e.g.: (2) a. Maryᵢ managed [PROᵢ to win] = EC; b. Maryᵢ wanted [PRO + to meet at 6] = PC. EC and PC are found in analogous contexts in Irish and Polish. EC occurs in complements to modal, implicative and aspectual verbs, while PC is limited to complements to factive, desiderative, prepositional and interrogative predicates. It is argued that EC-complements lack independent tense specification, while PC-complements are marked for tense independent from the one expressed in the matrix clause. PC-complements both in Irish and Polish must contain a semantically plural predicate (cf. meet in (2b)), but they can never exhibit a syntactically plural element.

Infinitival Clauses in the Romance Languages

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guido Mensching
Keyword(s):  
Special Property ◽  
Prepositional Phrase ◽  
Romance Languages ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Object Control ◽  
Different Types ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Infinitival Clauses ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Subject Agreement

“Infinitival clauses” are constructions with a clausal status whose predicate is an infinitive. Romance infinitive clauses are mostly dependent clauses and can be divided into the following types: argumental infinitival clauses (such as subject and object clauses, the latter also including indirect interrogatives), predicative infinitival clauses, infinitival adjunct clauses, infinitival relative clauses, and nominalized infinitive clauses (with a determiner). More rarely, they appear as independent (main) clauses (root infinitival clauses) of different types, which usually have a marked character. Whereas infinitival adjunct clauses are generally preceded by prepositions, which can be argued to be outside the infinitival clause proper (i.e., the clause is part of a prepositional phrase), Romance argumental infinitive clauses are often introduced by complementizers that are diachronically derived from prepositions, mostly de/di and a/à. In most Romance languages, the infinitive itself is morphologically marked by an ending containing the morpheme {r} but lacks tense and agreement morphemes. However, some Romance languages have developed an infinitive that can be inflected for subject agreement (which is found in Portuguese, Galician, and Sardinian and also attested in Old Neapolitan). Romance languages share the property of English and other languages to leave the subject of infinitive clauses unexpressed (subject/object control, arbitrary control, and optional control) and also have raising and accusative-and-infinitive constructions. A special property of many Romance languages is the possibility of overtly expressing a nominative subject in infinitival clauses, mostly in postverbal position. The tense of the infinitive clause is usually interpreted as simultaneous or anterior to that of the matrix clause, but some matrix predicates and infinitive constructions trigger a posteriority/future reading. In addition, some Romance infinitive clauses are susceptible to constraints concerning aspect and modality.

scholarly journals Implicational Complement Coordination and beyond: Towards a coherent theory of asymmetric coordination in German

2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philipp Weisser
Keyword(s):  
Subordinate Clause ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Complement Clause ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Asymmetric Coordination

Abstract A certain class of predicates in German optionally allows for their complement clause to appear as coordinated with the matrix clause rather than embedded into it. This construction, which I will call Implicational Complement Coordination, exhibits all the hallmark properties of Asymmetric Coordination: Despite technically being in a conjunct position, the clause in question behaves like a subordinate clause with respect to asymmetric binding, asymmetric scope of negation and adverbs as well as asymmetric extraction. Based on the detailed description of the phenomenon by Reis (1993), it can be shown that this coordinate construction mimics its infinitival counterpart with respect to these syntactic tests. In this paper, I argue that this can be accounted for by saying that the coordinate construction is derived on the basis of its subordinate counterpart by means of movement. The subordinate properties of the second conjunct then derive from its derivational history as a subordinate clause. Further, I will show that even though other cases of Asymmetric Coordination (in German) lack a minimally different infinitival counterpart, they can and should still be derived from an underlyingly subordinate syntax.

scholarly journals Gastroretentive Drug Delivery System of Levo-Salbutamol Sulphate: Formulation and in vitro Evaluation

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kamanashis Das ◽  
Md. Yasin ◽  
Ishrak Jahan ◽  
Tahira Akter ◽  
Saiful Islam ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Active Drug ◽  
Magnesium Stearate ◽  
Release Time ◽  
Matrix Tablet ◽  
Salbutamol Sulphate ◽  
Different Types ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Gastric Transit Time

In order to prepare the sustained release tablet with levo-salbutamol sulphate we have used these excipients methylcellulose, PVPK30, magnesium stearate, talc, isopropyl alcohol, microcrystalline cellulose, lactose, HPMCK100, HPMCK4M. Here our approach was for making the sustained released matrix tablet by two ways, one is to make the tablet granules floating and the second one is by retarding the release of the levo-salbutamol sulphate from the matrix. We have already discussed the relationship with delaying the gastric transit time and the active drug absorption, if the tablet granules are floating in our introduction part. Since the above mentioned excipients are floating in nature so formulations with those excipients are supposed to be floating. We also showed a list of excipients those are used in the preparation of floating tablets. Now the second observation which was the release rate, among the three different formulations (mentioned in the introduction) we found different types of release. Since our objective is to prepare a sustained released tablet which will give a prolong release time, in that prospect two among the three formulations were disqualified (though we have not done the kinetic study). We observed desired effect in the formulation-2 during the preparation of experiment.

scholarly journals Negation as a predictor of clausal complement choice in World Englishes

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
RAQUEL P. ROMASANTA
Keyword(s):  
World Englishes ◽  
Negative Particle ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Complement Clause ◽  
Complement Clauses ◽  
Negative Marker

Research on complementizer selection has shown that the presence of a negative particle in a subordinate complement clause influences complement choice, leading to a relatively higher proportion of finite complementation patterns by increasing the complexity of the syntactic environment. Studies have also shown that different types of negation, namely not- and no-negation, increase the tendency towards more explicit complementation options (Rohdenburg 2015). The current study focuses on the effect of not- and no-negation on the complementation profile of the verb regret, which allows variation between finite that/zero-complement clauses and nonfinite (S) -ing clauses. The GloWbE corpus was used to create a data set of more than 4,000 examples from 16 varieties of English. The results of the analysis support previous findings that the presence of a negative marker in the complement clause increases the preference for finite patterns, especially in L2 varieties of English. However, contrary to the expectations of this study, no-negation was found to have a stronger effect on complement choice than not-negation.

Systemic ambiguity as a motivation in the emergence of logophoricity

2020 ◽  
pp. 89-106
Author(s):  
Zygmunt Frajzyngier ◽  
Marielle Butters
Keyword(s):  
Functional Domain ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Gender Agreement ◽  
Specific Solution ◽  
Complement Clause ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
The Subject ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Clausal Complements ◽  
Reference Markers

Chapter 4 demonstrates that a systematic ambiguity within a domain may constitute a motivation in the emergence of a function. The functional domain discussed is the domain of reference. The systematic ambiguity at play is the coding of reference in clausal complements of verbs of saying. More specifically, the question is whether the participants in the complement clause are coreferential with the participant in the matrix clause or whether they are not coreferential. Some languages deploy pronouns in the complement clause to code disjoint reference and person, number, and gender agreement on the verb to code coreference (Polish). Other languages deploy pronouns in the complement clause to code coreference and nouns to code disjoint reference (English). The specific solution described in Chapter 4 are logophoric pronouns which code not only coreference with the subject of the matrix clause but also coreference with other arguments of the matrix clause. The Chapter describes how logophoric coding emerged from the de dicto reference markers.

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