scholarly journals Socio-economic Issues Related to Immigrants in American Political and Election Discourses

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Mubarak Altwaiji ◽  
Muna Telha

Nativism is conceptually different from xenophobia. A xenophobe is not necessarily a nativist. Nativism can broadly mean binarism and racism together. This study traces the history of American politicians’ nativist rhetoric and its reflection on the life of the immigrants. In the United States, nativism has largely been a part of the leaders’ political and cultural agendas and motivated the Black-White racial binarism. Moreover, nativism continues to second this binarism and secure it from criticism by projecting it as a high level of nationalism. This paper investigates, firstly, how the nativist speech influences common man; and secondly, how the life of the immigrants is affected by this discourse. This study contrasts with many dominant theories, which hypothesize that American political discourse is controlled by the elites and directed by their nativist agendas. This study, however, finds that American political discourse is subject to the nativist pride of common white citizens who share this anima with the elites.

2008 ◽  
Vol 9 (03) ◽  
pp. 491-506 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin L. Einhorn

The history of slavery cannot be separated from the history of business in the United States, especially in the context of the relationship between public power and individual property rights. This essay suggests that the American devotion to “sacred” property rights stemsmore from the vulnerability of slaveholding elites than to a political heritage of protection for the “common man.”


1988 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Sodhy

The period from 1963 to 1966, which spans Indonesia's “confrontation” against Majaysia, marks an important benchmark in the history of Malaysian-American relations as it represents the first direct involvement of the United States into the political affairs of Malaysia. Before confrontation, the United States had maintained a low profile in the country and had confined the relationship to mainly economic issues. Politically, the United States had, for the most part, hovered in the background behind the British who had continued their close ties with Malaysia even after the granting of independence in 1957. America's deeper involvement with Malaysia because of confrontation, signified, therefore, a distinct departure from its earlier policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Ario Bimo Utomo

This article explores the dynamics of secession in Alaska, a state within the United States of America. Alaska has been an integral part of modern American history when it was admitted as the second-youngest state after Hawaii in 1959. The territory was initially purchased by the United States from the Russian Empire in 1867 due to the latter’s concern of the expected British invasion. Putting the colonial narratives aside, Alaska is also a home of the Indigenous Alaskans with distinct identities compared to the European settlers. Viewing this contested history, combined with controversies leading to the inclusion of Alaska to the United States proper, one might assume that Alaskans might possess a higher sentiment of self-determination compared to the rest of Americans. However, despite those backgrounds, secessionism is not a salient issue in Alaska. Therefore, the author explores why the support for Alaskan secessionism is relatively unheard of despite the disputed history of the state. Using Hechter’s model of secession (1992), the author proposes that Alaska has been experiencing a relatively low level of secessionist sentiment due to (1) a low level of group identification among the Alaskans themselves, (2) a weak regional party, (3) a high level of economic dependency on the host state, and (3) an unfavorable institutional environment for secessionist sentiments to be advanced. The research concludes by suggesting that secessionism in Alaska is not a favorable choice due to every limitation it faces.Keywords: AIP; Alaska; history; postcolonialism; secession


2003 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
RAGNAR LOFSTEDT

Over the past 30 years, researchers and practitioners have discussed the importance of risk communication in solving disputes ranging from the public outcry regarding importing GMO foods from the United States to Europe, the siting of waste incinerators in many parts of Europe to the building a permanent high level nuclear waste facility in the United States. In this paper the history of risk communication is discussed, focusing particularly on the importance of the social amplification of risk and trust. This is followed by a detailed discussion on trust as it relates to public perception of risk, where it is argued that trust is composed of three variables. The third section covers the theoretical debate of how to best deal with the decline in public trust. This is followed by a short analysis in which it is concluded that there is no simple solution to increasing public trust (and thereby assuring greater risk communication successes).


1919 ◽  
Vol 10 (8) ◽  
pp. 414-414
Author(s):  
No authorship indicated

Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano

An American Language is a political history of the Spanish language in the United States. The nation has always been multilingual and the Spanish language in particular has remained as an important political issue into the present. After the U.S.-Mexican War, the Spanish language became a language of politics as Spanish speakers in the U.S. Southwest used it to build territorial and state governments. In the twentieth century, Spanish became a political language where speakers and those opposed to its use clashed over what Spanish's presence in the United States meant. This book recovers this story by using evidence that includes Spanish language newspapers, letters, state and territorial session laws, and federal archives to profile the struggle and resilience of Spanish speakers who advocated for their language rights as U.S. citizens. Comparing Spanish as a language of politics and as a political language across the Southwest and noncontiguous territories provides an opportunity to measure shifts in allegiance to the nation and exposes differing forms of nationalism. Language concessions and continued use of Spanish is a measure of power. Official language recognition by federal or state officials validates Spanish speakers' claims to US citizenship. The long history of policies relating to language in the United States provides a way to measure how U.S. visions of itself have shifted due to continuous migration from Latin America. Spanish-speaking U.S. citizens are crucial arbiters of Spanish language politics and their successes have broader implications on national policy and our understanding of Americans.


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