Barriers and Facilitators to Sharing Knowledge at a Fast-Food Chain at Private Hospitals in Bangkok, Thailand

10.5580/2bbe ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 69 (6) ◽  
pp. 660-673 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anjan Pal ◽  
Alton Y.K. Chua ◽  
Dion Hoe-Lian Goh

Purpose In the wake of a rumor outbreak, individuals exchange three types of messages: rumor messages, counter-rumor messages, and uncertainty-expressing messages. However, the properties of the three types of messages are relatively unknown particularly in the social media context. Hence, the purpose of this paper is to examine these three types of messages posted on social media in the wake of a rumor outbreak. Design/methodology/approach Data included tweets posted after the outbreak of a rumor that wrongly accused the fast food chain Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC) for selling rats instead of chicken. Using a deductive approach, codes were derived via content analysis on the tweets. Volume and exposure of tweets were also examined. Findings Counter-rumor tweets (52 percent) outnumbered rumors tweets (32 percent) and uncertainty-expressing tweets (16 percent). Emotions and personal involvement were abundant in rumor tweets. Expressions of credence and references to URLs were high in counter-rumor tweets. Social ties were found widely in uncertainty-expressing tweets. The high volume and exposure of counter-rumor tweets compared with those of either rumor tweets or uncertainty-expressing tweets highlight the potential of counter-rumors to mitigate rumors. Originality/value This research ventures into a relatively unexplored territory by concurrently examining rumor messages, counter-rumor messages and uncertainty-expressing messages in the wake of a rumor outbreak. It reveals that counter-rumor messages have the potential to mitigate rumors on social media.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hety Budiyanti ◽  
Shine Pintor Siolemba Patiro

This study aims to investigate interrelationships among perceived service fairness, emotions, and behavioral intentions in a fast food chain restaurant context. we use terms that are commonly use on the study of fairness or justice perception. This study uses purposive sampling and the survey method to generate our sample which consists of 800 respondents from big cities in Indonesia, namely: Jakarta, Semarang, Surabaya, Medan, and Makassar. The data are analyzed using Structural Equation Modeling (SEM). The results show different roles for each fairness perception in relation to peoples’ emotions and behavioral intentions, based on the Mehrabian-Russel model. Three fairness variables (price fairness, outcome fairness and interactional fairness) have positive and significant effects on customers’ positive emotions, while, procedural fairness does not influence the formation of a positive emotion. Furthermore, a positive emotion has a positive influence on a customer’s behavioral intention. Data collected in this study are limited to the context of the restaurant industry, therefore, precaution must be taken when generalizing these results to other industries. The results of this study can serve as guidelines for managers in the restaurant industry to develop effective and efficient strategies for ensuring their services’ perceived fairness and its impact on both customers’ retention rates and the companies’ financial gains.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 786-792
Author(s):  
SANDEEP R. SHELAR ◽  
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Kevin Morgan ◽  
Terry Marsden ◽  
Jonathan Murdoch

As the first industrial nation, the UK was one of the earliest countries to experience the industrialization of agriculture, a process that led to an unprecedented increase in productivity, with more and more food produced by fewer and fewer people. Early exposure to intensive food production clearly left an abiding cultural legacy; to this day, one of the proudest boasts of the British food industry is that it renders cheap food to the consuming public at ever lower prices. This production ethos was both cause and consequence of a mainstream consumption culture which sets a high premium on price and treats food more as fuel than as pleasure. In his thousandyear history of British food, Spencer (2002) caught this aesthetic perfectly when he suggested that the British ‘were unexcited by the food they ate, but they knew that they had to get on and eat the wretched stuff’. In its attachment to cheap, processed food, the UK is far closer to the US, the quintessential fast-food nation, than to Italy, France, or Spain, countries where there continues to be a strong cultural appetite for fresh, local, and seasonal food. Although Britain’s cheap-food culture has complex and manifold causes, its origins lie in the early period of industrialization, especially in the system of colonial preferences from the Commonwealth countries, which created a low-cost template for locally produced food. In other words, the global–local interplay that did so much to shape economy and society in Britain also influenced the economics of food production and the culture of food consumption. To a greater extent than in other European countries, the supermarkets have become the key players in shaping food consumption patterns in the UK. As in California, retailer power is now the key to understanding the enormous asymmetries of power that punctuate the British agri-food chain from farm to fork. One reason why supermarkets seem to wield so much more power in the UK than their analogues in other countries is that there is less countervailing power at the production end of the UK food chain.


2012 ◽  
Vol 71 (OCE2) ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Kelly ◽  
M. Callaghan ◽  
M. Molcho ◽  
S. Nic Gabhainn

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