The Blue and the Gray and the Red

2021 ◽  
pp. 180-216
Author(s):  
Matthew E. Stanley

This chapter analyzes how the Socialist Party of America invoked the “Second American Revolution” to advocate left nationalism, incremental reform, and Christian socialism, or to validate calls for revolution or international industrial emancipation. Pairing the class struggle with abolitionism tied socialism to domestic tradition and rendered the Civil War part of a revolutionary struggle. The Industrial Workers of the World, meanwhile, claimed one of the most contentious legacies of the abolitionists: the defiance of absolute property rights. However, the Red Scare helped undermine the socialist narrative of the war for the Union as a working-class war. Political repression reinforced the decline of revolutionary Civil War memories, which in turn yielded before rising strains of conservative industrial patriotism.

2021 ◽  
pp. 95-118
Author(s):  
Matthew E. Stanley

This chapter considers the production of Civil War memory among Gilded Age socialists and anarchists. These radicals and revolutionaries built on the redistributionist claims of abolitionists and freedpeople, and exceeded those of trade unionists, by challenging not only the legitimacy of slave property or plantations but also the mechanisms of production and property rights. Late nineteenth-century socialists came to see themselves as a postscript to abolitionism, and their “red memory” operated through anarchist networks, militias, and workers’ parties. Most sought an end to partisan debates over loyalty and section, which hindered working-class organization, and used Civil War memory to espouse internationalism, prefiguring the Socialist Party of America and the Industrial Workers of the World.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 656-680
Author(s):  
Will McWhinney† ◽  
William David Brice ◽  
James Katzenstein ◽  
James B. Webber

Abstract This article is a work of theory that establishes a fundamental mental basis for the diversity of worldviews that underlie every seemingly unsolvable conflict between nations, political parties, organizations, and individuals. The four-part typology postulated here is found, with different labels, throughout the history of human philosophy and underscores four basic worldviews people use to view their understanding of, and relationship with, the world. These four types fundamentally underlie cultural values and beliefs. Understanding this fundamental fact about human mentality will illuminate why persistent conflicts around the world are seemingly unsolvable and why populations can become so deeply polarized that political repression or civil war can come to seem to be a rationally conceivable way to rectify the situation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 100 ◽  
pp. 158-185
Author(s):  
Matteo Battistini

AbstractThis essay stitches together the fragments of Marx's work on the United States that are scattered in newspaper articles, letters, notes, in some digressions in his early writings, in his economic manuscripts and in Capital (1867). The main aim is to show that what we can call a “global history of the Civil War” emerges from his pen: a history that is global not simply in a geographical sense, that is, because it expands the European space beyond the Atlantic and towards the Pacific, but also because of the general meaning it takes on in the history of capitalism. The essay highlights how the Civil War opened the Marxian issue of emancipation, his vision of class struggle and his view of the working class, to the presence of a black proletariat that interacted with the struggle of the white working classes, the latter of which until then had been the main focus of his work. It also highlights how the different and disarticulated voices of labor – slave and free, black and white – on both sides of the Atlantic effected a revolutionary shift in the Civil War: interjecting a “revolutionary turn” into what we can call the “long constitutional history” of the political conflict between North and South that changed the economic and social shape of the nation. More importantly, the essay reconstructs what can be termed the “state moment,” which was entangled with the “long constitutional history” and the “revolutionary turn” of the Civil War. As the transnational calls for emancipation from slavery and wage labor impacted the transnational processes of accumulation of industrial capital, the American state became a player in the world market: its financial and fiscal policies became socially linked to the government of industrial capital. In this sense, as the essay underlines in the conclusion, the “global history of the Civil War” that Marx effectively drafted, outlined the theoretical and political hypothesis that formed the basis of his mature reflection in the pages of Capital: the “emancipation of labour” should be thought of as a global issue, “neither a local nor a national, but a social problem.”


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Dadi Herdiansah

One of the information spread about the arrival of the Mahdi priest was that he led the war troops by carrying a black banner from the east. This information comes from several histories in several hadith books. Pro contra has occurred in response to this history. The Muslim groups who believe in the truth of this black banner tradition have flocked from all corners of the world to the Middle East conflict area which is believed and believed there is a group of mujahids carrying black banner as mentioned by the hadith. Even in the conflict area there was mutual claim between the factions that their faction was mentioned by the hadith carrying its black banner, so that even from one another, civil war was not inevitable in some places. But what is the origin of the hadith? This note is the adoptive writer to criticize the hadith by issuing all of his paths with the takhrīj al-hadīth method, Jarh wa ta'dīl and ‘Ilalu al-hadīth.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 144
Author(s):  
Barry Pateman

Review of Peter Cole, David Struthers, and Kenyon Zimmer, Wobblies of the World. A new edited collection on the global history of the Industrial Workers of the World.  


diacritics ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Étienne Balibar ◽  
Cory Browning
Keyword(s):  

2005 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana Spencer
Keyword(s):  

‘uilia sunt nobis quaecumque prioribus annis uidimus, et sordet quidquid spectauimus olim.’‘all the things which we saw in former years are worthless to us, and squalid - everything that in times past we gazed upon (esteemed/respected).’Calpurnius Siculus, Eclogue 7.45–6When Calpurnius’ old Roman tells Corydon, the country-boy fresh in town, that nothing that one has seen before can prepare one adequately for Nero's Roman spectacle (probably the games of 57 CE), it is almost impossible not to recall the magnificent loathing that Suetonius (Nero 12.1-2) and Tacitus (Annals 13.31) express for the new emperor's extravaganzas. Eleanor Leach comments that: ‘The builder of the amphitheatre [Nero] has combed the world for his marvels, creating a new cosmos within his gilded wooden oval.’ This spectacular new cosmos maps out a world in which pastoral can no longer exist because Nero has distorted the notion of rus in urbe to such an extent that Calpurnius’ only recourse is obituary. Here, Calpurnius’ eclogue functions not just as an elegy for pastoral, but as a poem which opens up a dialogue with Lucan's civil war landscape; in this world, metaphorical and real species of ruin take on an ever greater cultural urgency as means of interpreting the dramatic artifice of Rome's present.


Author(s):  
Steven Feldstein

This book documents the rise of digital repression—how governments are deploying new technologies to counter dissent, maintain political control, and ensure regime survival. The emergence of varied digital technologies is bringing new dimensions to political repression. At its core, the expanding use of digital repression reflects a fairly simple motivation: states are seeking and finding new ways to control, manipulate, surveil, or disrupt real or perceived threats. This book investigates the goals, motivations, and drivers of digital repression. It presents case studies in Thailand, the Philippines, and Ethiopia, highlighting how governments pursue digital strategies based on a range of factors: ongoing levels of repression, leadership, state capacity, and technological development. But a basic political motive—how to preserve and sustain political incumbency—remains a principal explanation for their use. The international community is already seeing glimpses of what the frontiers of repression look like, such as in China, where authorities have brought together mass surveillance, online censorship, DNA collection, and artificial intelligence to enforce their rule in Xinjiang. Many of these trends are going global. This has major implications for democratic governments and civil society activists around the world. The book also presents innovative ideas and strategies for civil society and opposition movements to respond to the digital autocratic wave.


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