Brown Threat

Author(s):  
Kumarini Silva

Brown Threat makes a critical intervention in U.S based race studies. The book positions a category of ‘brown’ identification (along side identity) as a form of organizing race and racialized hierarchies in contemporary culture, especially in the wake of September 11. Here, brown is seen as both a product of historical xenophobia and slavery in the United States, and as a newer form of ongoing racism tied to notions of security and securitization. In order to illustrate this process, each chapter maps various junctures where the ideological, political and mediated terrain intersect, resulting in both an appetite for all things ‘brown’ by U.S. consumers, while at the same time various political and nationalist discourses and legal structures conspire to control brown bodies (immigration, emigration, migration, outsourcing, incarceration) both within and outside the United States. The book explores this contradictory relationship between representation and reality, arguing that the representation acts as a way to mediate and manage the anxieties that come from contemporary global realties, where brown spaces, like India, Pakistan, and the amalgamated Middle East, pose significant economic, security, and political challenges to the United States.

2003 ◽  
Vol 102 (660) ◽  
pp. 21-26
Author(s):  
Amy Hawthorne

In the aftermath of September 11, the United States has no alternative other than to begin to shift its role in the Arab world from an enabler of authoritarian rule to a supporter of gradual, but genuine, democratic change.


2021 ◽  
pp. 143-166
Author(s):  
Payam Ghalehdar

This chapter serves as an introduction to the second part of the book’s empirical analysis by sketching the evolution of US attitudes toward the Middle East. It shows how the United States relied on the British military to safeguard US interests in the region until the end of the 1960s and then on regional proxies after the British military withdrawal from the region. Even after the end of the Cold War, successive US administrations eschewed hegemonic expectations toward the region until the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. The chapter concludes by briefly illustrating how the lack of both hegemonic pretensions and perceptions of anti-American hatred in Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait foreclosed US regime change in the 1991 Gulf War.


This essay is a response to Edward Schatz’s contribution in this book, Global Perspectives on the United States. It acknowledges ways that Schatz contributes to our understanding of anti-Americanism, especially in relationship to Islamist activism, but it also seeks to put the relationship between anti-Americanism and Islamist activism in a broader context. It argues that the goal of combatting all different forms of “Islamic activism” in places like the Middle East is at once counter-productive and futile, in that it stimulates both anti-Americanism and Islamic activism. It suggests that a better goal for the U.S. would be to respect the phenomenon and learn how to differentiate between violent and nonviolent elements in the broader transnational Islamic movement. U.S. policy since September 11, 2001, has, it argues, largely failed because it has focused on initiatives showcasing American “values” when “American values” themselves are not under attack, but specific U.S. policies do generate deep resentment in the region.


2003 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 325-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert S. Snyder

Much of the literature on September 11 focuses on bin Laden as a terrorist or on the idea of a clash of civilizations. In criticizing both, this paper instead conceptualizes bin Laden as a “civilizational revolutionary.” As a revolutionary, bin Laden has sought to topple moderate regimes in the Middle East and to reestablish the caliphate. In contrast with most other national or transnational revolutionaries, however, he has emphasized culture—militant Islamism. Nevertheless, as the literature on social revolutions suggests, bin Laden has used the big strategy of most other revolutionaries in “externalizing” regional conflicts with his attacks on the United States. But his tactic of apocalyptic terrorism has made him unique as a revolutionary.


Author(s):  
Kumarini Silva

The introduction acts as a theoretical and methodological introduction. It maps how this study came to be, the theoretical underpinnings of the argument of brown that are made throughout the book, and the methodological thrust of the proceeding chapters. As the United States struggles with the upkeep of multiple military and political engagements in the Middle East; economic dependencies on the Far East; and immigration, health care, and other political struggles within the country, race becomes both increasingly central and increasingly invisible. After 9/11, the shifting of racial hatred onto brown bodies provided a respite, at least in public and popular discourses, from the long history of anti- Black racism. Each chapter deals with a particular theme that emerges out of visual culture and asks how these particular representations serve to create a contemporary understanding of brown, both dependent on and, at the same time, separated from the past.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 336-346
Author(s):  
Abdullah H. Othman

This article highlights the role of Saudi Arabia in the process of regional integration and the establishment of new balances of power in the Middle East. Saudi Arabia is arguably one of the most important states in the region in terms of power, economy and diplomacy. Its power is not only limited to political influence, but also carries with it religious dimensions that helped to shape and escalate regional situation as manifested through Saudi Arabias attempts to contain non-Arab forces to establish privileged relations with them from a national or Islamic perspective .Saudi Arabia has stepped up military agreements to ensure regional balance in the Middle East, one of the most important international regions. The stability of the region is considered to be of international concern. It is against this backdrop that Saudi Arabia competes for influence in the Middle East. In addition to the events of September 11, 2001, which negatively affected the relationship between Saudi Arabia and the United States of America, especially after the accusations made by the United States against Saudi Arabia and accused it of supporting the perpetrators of the September 11 attacks, the relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia was strained. Saudi Arabia began to look for a new partner that would have considerable political weight, and in Russia found what it was looking for. The relationship between Saudi Arabia and the Russian Federation began to develop gradually despite the absence of political exchange and cooperation between the two parties for a long time, and this relationship took the form of expansion to include the field of diplomatic representation and the conclusion of economic and oil agreements and in various other fields represents the political rapprochement between the two countries.


1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-14
Author(s):  
James Abourezk ◽  
Paul Findley ◽  
Edmund Ghareeb

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 228-237
Author(s):  
Marina Shpakovskaya ◽  
Oleg Barnashov ◽  
Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah ◽  
Asadullah Noori ◽  
Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad

The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first decade of the XXI century.


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