South Africa: A Critical Analysis of Volunteering Post-Apartheid

Author(s):  
Claire Dullisear
Politeia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mbekezeli Comfort Mkhize ◽  
Kongko Louis Makau

This article argues that the 2015 xenophobic violence was allowed to spread due to persistent inaction by state officials. While the utterances of King Goodwill Zwelithini have in part fuelled the attacks, officials tend to perceive acts of xenophobia as ordinary crimes. This perception has resulted in ill-advised responses from the authorities, allowing this kind of hate crime against foreign nationals to engulf the whole country. In comparison with similar attacks in 2008, the violent spree in 2015 is characterised by a stronger surge in criminal activities. The militancy showcased fed a sense of insecurity amongst foreigners, creating a situation inconsistent with the country’s vaunted respect for human rights and the rule of law. Investors lost confidence in the country’s outlook, owing in part to determined denialism in government circles regarding the targeting of foreigners. While drawing from existing debates, the article’s principal objective is to critically examine the structural problems that enable xenophobia to proliferate and the (in)effectiveness of responses to the militancy involved in the 2015 attacks. Of particular interest are the suggested responses that could be effective in curbing future violence. The article concludes that xenophobia is systemic in post-apartheid South Africa. Strong cooperation between the government, national and international organisations could provide the basis for successful anti-xenophobia measures. The article further argues that the country is obliged to find a sustainable solution to the predicament for humanitarian reasons firstly, and in recognition of the support South Africans received from its African counterparts during the liberation struggle.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (15) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadiehezka Paola Palencia Tejedor

This work focuses on a compared analysis of the South Afri- can decision related to the “peace and reconciliation act” of this country’s Parliament, and the Colombian decision regarding the amendment of the constitution called “The juridical framework for the peace.” Turning to the structure, it is developed in three major topics: 1. It provides a brief of the historical context, political background and an overview of the two decisions.2. It gives a structural analysis of the powers that each Court has and the nature of the constitutional mechanism through which both Courts decided the constitutionality of the said norms 3. It presents a critical analysis on the similarities and differences between the two systems and judgments. It presents some con- clusions. 


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 72 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. W. Manona

There is a prevalent assumption in South Africa that Parliament is guided by the ideals of democracy, accountability, transparency and accessibility. However, there are still gaps and challenges as far as theoversight role of Parliament is concerned, despite the presence of committees that have been established to oversee the executive and relevant structures of government, government activities and public finances. There is widespread maladministration and misuse of government expenditure in government departments. This paper investigates the oversight role of parliamentary committees to determine their relative influence on accountability and democracy in the execution of functions by public functionaries. The aim of the paper is to provide an understanding into inherent problems in the oversight role of Parliament in the democratic dispensation in South Africa, which seems not to have been given serious attention in the academia, considering the pivotal role Parliament plays in the lives of citizens of the country. These oversight committees have selectively held Senior Executives or Ministers accountable for their ineffectiveness, misuse of government expenditure and maladministration. This could be attributed to the fact that oversight in South Africa does not seem to be properly understood and implemented as it should be. Moreover, the influence of the majoritarian authority of the ruling party in committees seems to be colluding with the executive. Failure to take action against cases of omission brings questions on the effectiveness and efficiency of the oversight role of Parliament. The adverse consequence is the delay in the provision of good quality services to poor communities. This paper employed the theoretical approach as a method of data collection. Conclusions have been drawn that the shortcomings of the parliamentary committees compromise accountability and good governance in service delivery.


Obiter ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 988-1003
Author(s):  
Philip Stevens

The use or possession of drugs has been a phenomenon since time immemorial. In South Africa, the essential offences pertaining to drugs are provided for in the Drugs and Drug Trafficking Act 140 of 1992 (the Act). The two most important crimes provided for in the Act are “dealing in drugs” and the “use or possession of drugs”. The Act divides drugs into three general categories – namely, dependence-producing substances; dangerous dependence-producing substances; and undesirable dependence-producing substances. The specific drugs resorting in each of these categories are listed in Schedule 2 of the Act. The punishment prescribed for the possession, use or dealing in dangerous dependence-producing substances and undesirable dependence-producing substances is harsher than that for possession, use or dealing in dependence-producing substances. It is interesting, and topical for purposes of the current discussion, that cannabis or dagga is classified in terms of Schedule 2 as an undesirable dependence-producing substance.The case under discussion (Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development v Prince 2019 (1) SACR 14 (CC)) is of particular importance as the use or possession of cannabis within private settings was addressed from a constitutional perspective and, more pertinently, on a question as to the constitutionality of the criminalisation thereof. Upon first glance, it seems as though the issues addressed in this case correspond with the disputes addressed in the earlier case of Prince v The President, Cape Law Society (2002 (2) SA 794 (CC) (Prince (2)). As is indicated in this contribution, the issues in these two judgments are distinct and differ in many instances.A critical analysis of the decision under discussion reveals that although the use or possession of cannabis within private settings has, by virtue of the case, been decriminalised against a constitutional backdrop, it also opens the door to critical debate pertaining to various substantive and procedural issues.


Author(s):  
Windell Nortje ◽  
Abraham Hamman ◽  
Chesne Albertus

The violent nature of some crimes and the high crime rate in South Africa reflect the fact that some offenders constitute a real threat to the security of communities. It is understandable, therefore, that the state seeks to protect its citizens through preventive measures. Although South Africa has certain legal provisions on its statutory books, it seems that the declaration of persons as dangerous criminals is under-utilised. South African legislation dealing with the declaration of dangerous criminals can be improved by borrowing some traits of the Canadian legislation. Such features include the restriction of courts' discretion and the provision of concrete and more detailed guidelines on the nature of the offences for which the provision can be applied. The courts could also take into account the type of criminal history of the offender which would merit the declaration of a dangerous criminal. It is also important that the extent of the violence in an offence should be thoroughly defined in court. Courts need to balance their wide discretion on the matter with the provisions in the Act in order to protect the community against dangerous criminals.


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