Fidel Castro (1926–2016) and Ernesto “Che” Guevara (1928–1967)

2020 ◽  
pp. 170-204
Author(s):  
Larry Ceplair

These two men, from different countries, became very close friends and revolutionists. Like Lenin and Trotsky, they fused into a dynamic pair, working together on every aspect of the revolution and the revolutionary state. Fidel was the planner and overseer of the movement; Che was the inspired implementer. Che, however, had little patience with administration, and for him the Cuban revolution was to be a catalyst for third-world revolutions. He left Cuba to oversee unsuccessful revolutions in Congo and Bolivia. Che died young, in Bolivia; Fidel rule Cuba for over fifty years.

2021 ◽  
pp. 109-126
Author(s):  
António Tomás

By the time the anticolonial war started in Guinea-Bissau, in terms of counterinsurgency doctrine Cabral could choose from two major theories. On the one hand, the theory of movement, proposed by the likes of Mao, that involved the massive participation of the peasantry. On the other, the foco theory, espoused by Che Guevara and experimented in the Cuban revolution, that consisted of the incursion in a given territory of a small group of revolutionaries with the mission to start the uprising. The revolution in Guinea is the mix between the two. It counted on the one hand with a significant adherence of the Guinean peasantry, but the party’s leadership was in the hand of a handful of cadres, most of them from Cape Verde.


1995 ◽  
Vol 17 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 29-31
Author(s):  
Curtis Wienker ◽  
Antonio Fuentes

In many ways the development of physical anthropology in Cuba paralleled the history of the discipline in other countries—until the successful Cuban revolution of the late 1950s. The overthrow of the Batista regime by forces led by Fidel Castro had little immediate academic effect because reform was initially concentrated on social, economic, and political spheres. Eventually, however, the revolution greatly influenced the direction of higher education and of science in Cuba.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 166-184
Author(s):  
Paula Ortiz Guilián ◽  

The present work carries out an analysis of the radicalization process of the Cuban Revolution and its causes during the years from 1959 to 1961t. This process was possible in such a short time due to the con-junction of several elements: the fulfillment of the Moncada Program; the leadership of the Revolution; the position of the United States be-fore the advance of the Revolution; the aid provided by the Soviet Un-ion, as well as the correlation of forces in the world, and the position of support and endorsement of the Revolution by the people. This process was not peaceful; it was carried out in the midst of a violent class struggle and external aggression on the part of the great interests and US government, which tried to destroy the Revolution using all possi-ble means, including armed aggression. In this brief period, the revolu-tion in power managed to put an end to imperialist rule and, fundamen-tally, to capitalist exploitation, strengthening the political system of society and raising the revolutionary consciousness, as well as the po-litical culture of the people. The obtained success was largely the result of the political teaching of Fidel Castro, as well as his extraordinary personality. Fidel knew how to enhance the people's self-confidence, sense of justice, solidarity, dignity, and revolutionary firmness.


1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Friedman

An official, albeit implicit, Chinese critique of Che Guevara's methods in Bolivia in 1966–67 can be found in Peking's praise in 1969 for a Bolivian Communist Draft Peasant-Agrarian Program. Peking stresses Bolivia's feudal character and its domination by American imperialism. That is, the revolution should ally with bourgeois nationalism. Consequently it must be based on a minimalist program to attract a maximum of support. The National Liberation Front in Vietnam follows that course. The Cuban revolution of Fidel Castro took that road. Nonetheless, R6gis Debray insists that ‘Cuba remembered from the beginning that the socialist revolution is the result of an armed struggle against the armed power of the bourgeois state’. While Peking Review agreed on the need for an ‘armed struggle… rely[ing] firmly on the peasants’, it did not propose making the middle classes the main target of that fight. By stressing socialism instead of alliance with nationalistic capitalists, Che isolates himself from a potential source of support and forces those rich entrepreneurs to help reactionary militarists and landed oligarchs whom they may abhor. Nationalist anti-imperialism is a major issue in Latin America as most everywhere else in the world. Yet there is no necessary reason why narrowly based Che-style guerrillas must win the nationalist mantle. It has been the bourgeois parties and interests in Latin America which usually have expropriated Yankee businesses. It is the native national bourgeoisie who are most obviously hurt by Yankee competition. But if the guerrillas cannot appear as the nationalists, they will not win the thousands upon thousands of patriotic youth needed to educate, organize, lead and die.


2008 ◽  
Vol 82 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 185-209
Author(s):  
Peter Hulme

[First paragraph]Graham Greene’s novel Our Man in Havana was published on October 6, 1958. Seven days later Greene arrived in Havana with Carol Reed to arrange for the filming of the script of the novel, on which they had both been working. Meanwhile, after his defeat of the summer offensive mounted by the Cuban dictator, Fulgencio Batista, in the mountains of eastern Cuba, just south of Bayamo, Fidel Castro had recently taken the military initiative: the day after Greene and Reed’s arrival on the island, Che Guevara reached Las Villas, moving westwards towards Havana. Six weeks later, on January 1, 1959, after Batista had fled the island, Castro and his Cuban Revolution took power. In April 1959 Greene and Reed were back in Havana with a film crew to film Our Man in Havana. The film was released in January 1960. A note at the beginning of the film says that it is “set before the recent revolution.” In terms of timing, Our Man in Havana could therefore hardly be more closely associated with the triumph of the Cuban Revolution. But is that association merely accidental, or does it involve any deeper implications? On the fiftieth anniversary of novel, film, and Revolution, that seems a question worth investigating, not with a view to turning Our Man in Havana into a serious political novel, but rather to exploring the complexities of the genre of comedy thriller and to bringing back into view some of the local contexts which might be less visible now than they were when the novel was published and the film released.


Author(s):  
Michael J. Bustamante

The Cuban Revolution transformed the largest island nation of the Caribbean into a flashpoint of the Cold War. After overthrowing US-backed ruler Fulgencio Batista in early 1959, Fidel Castro established a socialist, anti-imperialist government that defied the island’s history as a dependent and dependable ally of the United States. But the Cuban Revolution is not only significant for its challenge to US interests and foreign policy prerogatives. For Cubans, it fundamentally reordered their lives, inspiring multitudes yet also driving thousands of others to migrate to Miami and other points north. Sixty years later, Fidel Castro may be dead and the Soviet Union may be long gone. Cuban socialism has become more hybrid in economic structure, and in 2014 the Cuban and US governments moved to restore diplomatic ties. But Cuba’s leaders continue to insist that “the Revolution,” far from a terminal political event, is still alive. Today, as the founding generation of Cuban leaders passes from the scene, “the Revolution” faces another important crossroads of uncertainty and reform.


2002 ◽  
Vol 76 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 305-311
Author(s):  
Charles Rutheiser

[First paragraph]Conversatons with Cuba. C. PETER RIPLEY. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1999. xxvi + 243 pp. (Cloth US$ 24.95)Real Life in Castro's Cuba. CATHERINE MOSES. Wilmington DE: Scholarly Resources, 2000. xi + 184 pp. (Paper US$ 18.95)The Cuban Way: Capitalism, Communism, and Confrontation. ANA JULIA JATAR-HAUSMANN. West Hartford CT: Kumarian Press, 1999. xvii + 161 pp. (Paper US$21.95)Castro and the Cuban Revolution. THOMAS M. LEONARD. Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1999. xxv + 188 pp. (Cloth US$ 45.00)Cuba has attracted a great deal of attention from both scholarly and popular authors since 1959. The literature that they have produced has generated much heat, but has shed a considerably smaller amount of light. Most accounts have been situated at the polar extremes of ideology, either condemning or celebrating the island's revolutionary experiment and its maximum leader (for the former is often virtually totally collapsed into the personage of Fidel Castro) with the same degrees of vociferous, simplistic certitude. However, neither the fulminating diatribes of the anti-Castro Right nor the fulsome paeans of the Euro-American Left have done much justice to making sense of the complex, confounding, and contradictory realities of Cuban society before, during, and after the Revolution. Indeed, contemporary developments have only magnified the distortions rendered by the astigmatic lenses of cold war intellectualism.


Author(s):  
A. Javier Treviño

In C. Wright Mills and the Cuban Revolution, A. Javier Treviño reconsiders the opinions, perspectives, and insights of the Cubans that sociologist C. Wright Mills interviewed during his visit to the island in 1960. On returning to the United States, the esteemed and controversial sociologist wrote a small paperback on much of what he had heard and seen, which he published as Listen, Yankee: The Revolution in Cuba. Those interviews--now transcribed and translated--are interwoven here with extensive annotations to explain and contextualize their content. Readers will be able to “hear” Mills as an expert interviewer and ascertain how he used what he learned from his informants. Treviño also recounts the experiences of four central figures whose lives became inextricably intertwined during that fateful summer of 1960: C. Wright Mills, Fidel Castro, Juan Arcocha, and Jean-Paul Sartre. The singular event that compelled their biographies to intersect at a decisive moment in the history of Cold War geopolitics--with its attendant animosities and intrigues--was the Cuban Revolution.


2020 ◽  
Vol 246 (1) ◽  
pp. 227-267
Author(s):  
Jennifer Lambe

Abstract For decades, the iconic image of the Cuban Revolution has been set in Havana's ‘Revolution Square’, with thousands of Cubans thronging to hear Fidel Castro speak. This portrait undergirds a primary assumption about the Revolution: that many Cubans came to embrace it by basking in the euphoria of Fidel's live presence. For the Revolution's crucial early years, this article proposes that we should reimagine this archetypal conversion experience, setting it not only under Cuba's hot sun in an hours-long rally but also in front of a television (or radio) set. From 1959 to 1962 and beyond, the interactive drama of revolutionary conversion would be constantly staged and actualized on the small screen. The early years of the Cuban Revolution thus offer a compelling window onto political life lived with and through television.


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