Hilary of Poitiers on the inter-Trinitarian Relation of the Son and the Holy Spirit

Augustinianum ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 385-405
Author(s):  
Thomas Crean ◽  

Given the authority accorded to Hilary of Poitiers by ecumenical councils of the 1st millennium, it is of interest to determine his teaching about the disputed question of the eternal relation of the Son and the Holy Spirit. The question is complex, partly because it is one that Hilary in most cases touches upon only indirectly, when arguing for the divinity of the Son, and partly because the meaning of the relevant passages, even on the level of Latin syntax, is often hard to determine, and a matter of disagreement between different translators or editors. Y. Congar and A. E. Siecienski, in their surveys of the discussions of the inter-trinitarian relations of the Son and the Holy Spirit in the patristic age do not examine all these textual difficulties, nor do they discuss the Opus Historicum, which contains a highly relevant passage on this subject. The present article attempts to throw light on the question by examining the key texts and suggesting answers to the problems of translation and interpretation that they present. It concludes that Hilary’s position is substantially identical to that which would later be agreed by the Greek and Latin churches at the council of Florence, and enshrined in the decree Laetentur caeli.

2012 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Van Oort

Firstly, the present article explored the occurrence of special gifts of the Holy Spirit (charismata) both in the New Testament and in a number of early Christian writers (e.g. Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Tertullian and Augustine). Secondly, it indicated how this experience of special charismata exerted its influence on the formulation of the most authoritative and ecumenical statement of belief, viz. the Creed of Nicaea-Constantinople (381).


Vox Patrum ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 59 ◽  
pp. 113-127
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Bastit-Kalinowska

Although Peter seems to echo the opinion commonly held when he says that Jesus „went about doing good” (Act 10, 38), Jesus was accused of „casting out demons by Beelzebub, the ruler of the demons” (Mt 12, 24). In answer, he pro­poses a very short parable, the one of the „Strong one” tied up to seize his goods (Mt 12, 29). The present article studies the influence of this verse in the early Christian literature. The victory of the Saviour over evil is interpreted as the result of a cosmic fight (Origen) or as the merciful redemption of the human being and his restoration and vivification by the Holy Spirit (Irenaeus).


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-242
Author(s):  
Dragoș Ştefănică

Abstract The aim of the present article is to analyse the way in which the main Christian traditions define the charismata, or the gifts of the Holy Spirit. As we shall see, the definitions provided by the Catholic, the Eastern Orthodox or the Reformed Theologies are very broad, while in Pentecostal theology charismata have a rather technical meaning. Finally, we will observe that a good clarification of the concepts in question could help the development of the interfaith theological dialogue, from the pneumatological point of view.


2001 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
Myk Habets

AbstractThrough a brief survey of developments in the doctrine of the Holy Spirit over recent years an obvious theological convergence is being witnessed between the Roman Catholic and Pentecostal traditions. Both traditions offer a form of sacramental pneumatology, both tie the Spirit to the Church and both traditions have been impacted by the charismatic renewal. This present article seeks to survey some of these similarities and offer some critical reflection on them, arguing that ultimately there is little to keep these two traditions apart.


1958 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Gill

George Amiroutzes, commonly called the Philosopher for his wide learning, was a native of Trebizond. In 1437 he accompanied John VIII Palaeologus, emperor of Constantinople, to Italy to the Council of Ferrara-Florence as one of the three erudite laymen (the others were George Scholarius and George Gemistus ‘Pletho’) that the emperor took with him to advise him on the difficult theological questions there to be discussed. As the events unfolded division arose in the ranks of the Greeks. First, in Ferrara, there was the question as to what should be the subject of the opening discussion—the addition of the Filioque to the Creed, or the doctrine of the Filioque. Bessarion, metropolitan of Nicaea (later cardinal) and Scholarius (later the patriarch Gennadius) wanted to start with the latter as the more fundamental; Mark Eugenicus, metropolitan of Ephesus, and Gemistus preferred the former and their opinion prevailed. Amiroutzes agreed with Bessarion and Scholarius. In Florence, where the subject of debate was the doctrine of the Filioque, the rift between the two parties was more serious. It was a rift mainly between the leaders, for the majority of the Greek bishops, of a lower intellectual standard, was content to follow. For union the protagonists were Bessarion, Isidore, metropolitan of Kiev and of all Russia, Gregory, the imperial confessor, and Dorotheus, metropolitan of Mitylene. Against union, Mark of Ephesus stood almost alone but indomitable. George Amiroutzes was a staunch supporter of the unionists, who in several of the private conferences of the Greeks bitterly attacked Eugenicus and who gave a written vote in decisive and clear terms in favour of the orthodoxy of the Latin doctrine on the Procession of the Holy Spirit. The decree of union of the Latin and the Greek Churches was promulgated in solemn session on 6 July 1439. It bears the signatures of the emperor, of all the Greek prelates but two (Eugenicus and Isaias of Stauropolis), of five deacons of the Great Church and of several monks. The three ‘philosophers’ did not sign because they were laymen. As is well known, after their return to Constantinople most of the Greek prelates, under the influence of Mark Eugenicus and of popular sentiment, repented of their adherence.


Vox Patrum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 69 ◽  
pp. 735-753
Author(s):  
Brunon Zgraja

The present article proves that Augustine, explaining in Enarrationes in Psal­mos the texts of Psalms, does not treat references occurig in them, to the moon merely as a part of the descriptions of beauty of the created world, but tries to perceive in it a hidden meaning, the disclosure of which serves the interpreation of different theological questions. For the bishop of Hippo, the moon is a meta­phor of God the Creator, of Christ, of the Church and of the human being. With reference to God the Creator, the moon is to remind Christians, that God creating everything as being good and beautiful, He himself is the Good and the Beauty. Furthermore, the motive of the moon is to point to God’s self-sufficiency, his freedom and independence. The moon as metaphor of Christ, in turn, allows to perceive in Him the true God who, through the event of Incarnation, revealed to the human being the eternal plan of salvation. The ecclesiological dimension of the symbolism of the moon, however, introduces the concept of the beginnings of the Church, points out to its persecutions and to the presence of sinful people in it. What’s more, the moon-Church is the mystical Body of Christ and Christi s its Head. It is, furthermore, a Glorious Church that will be reigning with Christ for ever. Through the antropological dimension of the figure of the moon, Augustine exposes to the listeners of his sermons the truth about human fragility, corporality and mortality, moral inconstancy and a necessity for gaining more and more per­fection with the suport of the Holy Spirit. The moon is salso to direct the human thinking at the truth of resurrection.


2000 ◽  
Vol 60 (237) ◽  
pp. 76
Author(s):  
Antônio Alves de Melo

A Igreja deve ser aberta à massa ou acolher apenas minorias? Esta é a pergunta que inspira o presente artigo. Em resposta a ela, o autor entra numa série de questões; massa e minorias como componentes da condição humana; a acolhida, o espaço e a compreensão histórica para a pertença da massa e das minorias à Igreja; a relatividade da diferença entre o herói, o santo, o gênio e as pessoas comuns; o fundamento desta relatividade na vocação universal à santidade. Da pertença da massa e das minorias à Igreja se origina a figura da Igreja composta de círculos concêntricos a se movimentarem irregularmente em relação ao centro, que é Jesus Cristo presente no Espírito. A pertença à Igreja se dá através de uma grande diversidade de realizações, o que desafia a ação pastoral a uma maior elasticidade e a uma maior criatividade, de modo que massa e minorias sejam atingidas por ela. A pastoral de massa no Brasil requer, de modo particular, a articu-lação entre as redes de comunidades e o catolicismo popular.Abstract: Must the Church be open to the masses or welcome only minori- ties? This question inspires the present article. In oíder to answer it, the Autor addresses a series of subjects: masses and minorities as components of human condition; the welcome, the space and the historical understandingfor the Church membership of masses and minorities; the relativity of the difference between the heroe, the saint, the genius and ordinary people; the rootedness of this relativity in the universal call to holiness. From the Church membership of the masses and minorities arises the image of a Church made up of concentric circles that move irregularly in relation to the center, which is Jesus Christ present in the Holy Spirit. Church membership happens through many different forms; and this challenges the pastoral work to a greater resilience and a greater creativity, so that masses and minorities be attained by this work. The pastoral of masses in Brazil requires particularly an articulation between the networks of communities and popular catholicism.


1978 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 189-199
Author(s):  
Fred R. Johnson

Controversial opinions about human nature perpetuate man's interest in what he really is. The present article develops a biblical model of human nature for a science of man. The essence of human nature is the Imago Dei which is spirit that consists of affective, cognitive, and moral domains. The model describes each domain, shows the effects of man's sin on each, and explains the results of the birth and baptism in the Spirit on each domain. The model also describes how the Holy Spirit, by means of an inner impression, assures the believer's conscience that his sins are forgiven, confirms to his mind that he is adopted into God's family, and ignites his emotions with love, joy, and peace. A Christian who emphasizes one domain of spirit to the neglect of the other domains violates Christ's perfect pattern of growth and becomes maladjusted.


Author(s):  
Johannes Van Oort

The earliest Christians – all of whom were Jews – spoke of the Holy Spirit as a feminine figure. The present article discusses the main proof texts, ranging from the ‘Gospel according to the Hebrews’ to a number of testimonies from the second century. The ancient tradition was, in particular, kept alive in East and West Syria, up to and including the fourth century Makarios and/or Symeon, who even influenced ‘modern’ Protestants such as John Wesley and the Moravian leader Count von Zinzendorf. It is concluded that, in the image of the Holy Spirit as woman and mother, one may attain a better appreciation of the fullness of the Divine.


Kairos ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-215
Author(s):  
Gregory S. Thellman

Reflection on the formation of the NT canon often neglects the internal claims of the NT texts themselves in favor of a focus on their reception. However, while it is clear the canonical Gospels present the teaching of Jesus as authoritative, the intended authority of the written Gospel texts themselves has mostly been dismissed or even ignored by critical biblical scholars. However, this position is now being reconsidered, and the exegesis of particular texts may prove to counter the former assumption. The present article argues that there are four stages of revelation implicit within the Fourth Gospel. The author uses select narratorial insertions to convey the disciples’ post-resurrection remembrance, understanding and belief (2:22; 12:16; 20:9) as the uniting of the OT scripture (γραφή) and the revelatory word (λόγος) of Jesus as one divinely inspired and authoritative message revealed by the Holy Spirit (14:25–26). Consequently, the evangelist’s very writing of the Gospel transcribes this revelation for his readers (20:31) in order that they may believe and have life. John’s Gospel thus presents an internal claim for itself to its readers as “scripture,” through which the signs of Jesus, the reality of his life-giving death and resurrection and his very presence can be experienced by later readers and disciples.


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