Black women and white women in the professions: occupational segregation by race and gender, 1960-1980

This study investigates the effects of race and gender on perceived employment discrimination using the 2016 General Social Survey that provides new data on perceived employment discrimination that aligns more closely with the legal definition of employment discrimination. It is found that 19% of the American adults self-reported the experience of employment discrimination in job application, pay increase, or promotion in the past 5 years. The results of logistic regression analysis show that either controlling or not controlling for other factors, Blacks were much more likely to perceive being discriminated in employment than Whites, but other races were not significantly different from Whites in perceived employment discrimination after holding other variables constant. While gender did not have a significant independent effect on perceived job discrimination, it did interact with race to influence perceived job discrimination. Regardless of race, women were somewhat less likely than men to perceive job discrimination, but Black women were significantly even less likely than White women to self-report job discrimination, and Black men were much more likely to self-report employment discrimination than White men. These findings have implications for combating employment discrimination and addressing social inequalities.

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Abstract MP050: Race and Gender Group Specific Trends in Length of Stay for Acute Myocardial Infarction: The Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities (ARIC) study, 1987–2008

Circulation ◽

10.1161/circ.125.suppl_10.amp050 ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 125 (suppl_10) ◽

Author(s):

Laura R Loehr ◽

Xiaoxi Liu ◽

C. Baggett ◽

Cameron Guild ◽

Erin D Michos ◽

...

Keyword(s):

Black Women ◽

Length Of Stay ◽

Black Men ◽

White Women ◽

White Men ◽

Quadratic Term ◽

Race And Gender ◽

Insurance Type ◽

And Gender ◽

Aric Study

Introduction: Since the 1980’s, length of stay (LOS) for acute MI (AMI) has declined in the US. However, little is known about trends in LOS for non-white racial groups and whether change in LOS is related to insurance type or hospital complications. Methods: We determined 22 year trends in LOS for nonfatal (definite or probable) AMI among black and white residents age 35–74 in 4 US communities (N=396,514 in 2008 population) under surveillance in the ARIC Study. Events were randomly sampled and independently validated using a standardized algorithm. All analyses accounted for sampling scheme. We excluded MI events which started after admission (n=1,677), events within 28 days for the same person (n=3,817), hospital transfers (n=571), and those with LOS=0 or LOS >66 (top 0.5% of distribution, N= 144) leaving 22,258 weighted events for analysis. The average annual change in log LOS was modeled using weighted linear regression with year as a quadratic term. All models adjusted for age and secondary models adjusted for insurance type (Medicare, Medicaid, private, or other), and complications during admission (cardiac arrest, cardiogenic shock, or heart failure). Results: The average age-adjusted LOS from 1987 to 2008 was reduced by 5 days in black men (9.5 to 4.5 days); 4.6 days in white women (9.4 to 4.8 days); 4 days in white men (8.3 to 4.3 days) and 3.6 days in black women (9.0 to 5.4 days). Between 1987 and 2008, the age-adjusted average annual percent change (with 95% CI) in LOS was largest for white men at −4.40 percent per year (−4.91, −3.89) followed by −3.89 percent (−4.52, −3.26) for white women, −3.72 percent (−4.46, −2.89) for black men, and −2.94 percent (−3.92, −1.96) for black women (see Figure). Adjustment for insurance type, and complications did not change the pattern by race and gender. Conclusions: Between 1987 and 2008, LOS for AMI declined significantly and similarly in men and women, blacks and whites. These changes appear independent of differences in insurance type and hospital complications among race-gender groups.

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Black Women's Labor Market Status: Occupational Segregation in the United States and Great Britain

The Review of Black Political Economy ◽

10.1007/bf02911826 ◽

1995 ◽

Vol 24 (1) ◽

pp. 23-43 ◽

Cited By ~ 9

Author(s):

Mary C. King

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Labor Market ◽

Great Britain ◽

Black Women ◽

Occupational Segregation ◽

The United States ◽

Race And Gender ◽

Market Situation ◽

Labor Market Dynamics ◽

And Gender

An initial exploration of the comparative labor market situation of black women in the United States and Great Britain reveals that race and gender play similar roles in allocating people among broad occupations in both nations despite differences in historical circumstances. However, a closer examination based upon measures of occupational segregation shows that labor market dynamics are quite different. Public employment and education do not reduce racial segregation in Britain as they do in the United States, and the immigrant status of many black Britons does not explain these differences. Only youth is associated with reduced segregation in both countries.

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Chapter Six: Black Women Exercisers, Asian Women Artists, White Women Daters, and Latina Lesbians: Cultural Constructions of Race and Gender Within Intersectionality-Based Facebook Groups

The Intersectional Internet ◽

10.3726/978-1-4539-1717-6/16 ◽

2016 ◽

Keyword(s):

Black Women ◽

Women Artists ◽

White Women ◽

Asian Women ◽

Race And Gender ◽

And Gender ◽

Cultural Constructions

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Triple Consciousness: The Reimagination of Black Female Identities in Contemporary American Culture

Open Cultural Studies ◽

10.1515/culture-2018-0027 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 2 (1) ◽

pp. 296-306

Author(s):

Nahum Welang

Keyword(s):

Black Women ◽

White Women ◽

American Culture ◽

Black Female ◽

Double Consciousness ◽

Black Womanhood ◽

Race And Gender ◽

Black Feminists ◽

Black American Women ◽

And Gender

Abstract My article underscores the intermediate existence of black American women between race and gender by stressing the role white patriarchy and black hypermasculinity play in the marginalisation of black female voices and the prioritisation of white women’s interests within and beyond mainstream feminist spaces. In order to legitimise this intermediate existence of black women, my article develops the triple consciousness theory (TCT). Inspired by W.E.B. Du Bois’ concept of double consciousness, TCT argues that black women view themselves through three lenses and not two: America, blackness and womanhood. Black feminists, TCT affirms, are able to reimagine misguided narratives of black womanhood in contemporary American culture by unpacking the complexity of this threefold consciousness. In Bad Feminist, Roxane Gay strives for the inclusion of pluralist voices in the mainstream feminist movement and in Lemonade, Beyonce uses Afrofuturist tropes, reappropriation and gothic imagery to exorcise the generational pain of betrayal by black men and white women. With Insecure, Issa Rae radicalises feminist theory by critiquing archetypes attached to black womanhood and in Marvel’s Black Panther, not only do black women possess the unprecedented agency to shape their own identities on their own terms, there is also an existential reconnection with their past.

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Michelle Obama as a Political Symbol: Race, Gender, and Public Opinion toward the First Lady

Politics & Gender ◽

10.1017/s1743923x18000922 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 15 (03) ◽

pp. 431-459 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Alex Badas ◽

Katelyn E. Stauffer

Keyword(s):

African American ◽

Public Opinion ◽

Black Women ◽

African American Women ◽

White Women ◽

First Lady ◽

Race And Gender ◽

Michelle Obama ◽

Political Symbol ◽

And Gender

AbstractPopular commentary surrounding Michelle Obama focuses on the symbolic importance of her tenure as the nation's first African American first lady. Despite these assertions, relatively few studies have examined public opinion toward Michelle Obama and the extent to which race and gender influenced public evaluations of her. Even fewer studies have examined how the intersection of race and gender influenced political attitudes toward Michelle Obama and her ability to serve as a meaningful political symbol. Using public opinion polls from 2008 to 2017 and data from the Black Women in America survey, we examine public opinion toward Michelle Obama as a function of respondents’ race, gender, and the intersection between the two. We find that African Americans were generally more favorable toward Michelle Obama than white Americans, with minimal differences between men and women. Although white women were no more likely than white men to view Michelle Obama favorably, we find that they were more likely to have information on Michelle Obama's “Let's Move” initiative. Most importantly, we find that Michelle Obama served as a unique political symbol for African American women and that her presence in politics significantly increased black women's evaluation of their race-gender group.

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The Intersection of Racial and Gender Attitudes, 1977 through 2018

American Sociological Review ◽

10.1177/00031224211033582 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 000312242110335

Author(s):

William J. Scarborough ◽

Joanna R. Pepin ◽

Danny L. Lambouths ◽

Ronald Kwon ◽

Ronaldo Monasterio

Keyword(s):

Black Women ◽

Black Men ◽

Latent Class ◽

White Women ◽

General Social Survey ◽

The Other ◽

Gender Attitudes ◽

Race And Gender ◽

Gender Egalitarianism ◽

And Gender

Intersectionality scholars have long identified dynamic configurations of race and gender ideologies. Yet, survey research on racial and gender attitudes tends to treat these components as independent. We apply latent class analysis to a set of racial and gender attitude items from the General Social Survey (1977 to 2018) to identify four configurations of individuals’ simultaneous views on race and gender. Two of these configurations hold unified progressive or regressive racial and gender attitudes. The other two formations have discordant racial and gender attitudes, where progressive views on one aspect combine with regressive views on the other. In the majority of survey years, the most commonly held configuration endorsed gender equality but espoused new racialist views that attributed racial disparities to cultural deficiencies. This perspective has become increasingly common since 1977 and is most prevalent among White women and White men, likely due to racial-group interest. Black women and Black men, in contrast, are more likely to embrace progressive racial and gender attitudes. We argue that White men’s gender egalitarianism may be rooted in self-interest, aimed at acquiring resources through intimate relationships. In contrast, Black men adopt progressive racial and gender attitudes to form a necessary coalition with Black women to challenge racism.

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