13. Moore, letters 337–358

2020 ◽  
pp. 226-235
Keyword(s):  

Dear Sir) Their is Edward Moor a poor person belonging to your Town his famally is in grate want and distress In so much that they have been Obligd to apply to me For relief diferant times and if you Cannot provide Something to their better support I shall be obligd to remove Them to your Town they have four small Childern and Herself Just at down leying and no work to be got ...

Rural History ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Robin

The welfare state emerged in 1948 when the National Assistance Act finally abolished the New Poor Law Forty-two years later, as politicians and bureaucrats struggle to keep increasing expenditure within bounds, the existence of the welfare state in its present form is under threat. Just over 150 years ago, the Old Poor Law was presenting parish ratepayers with a similar problem of rising costs, leading in 1834 to a fundamental reorganisation into the New Poor Law It may therefore be profitable to see how effective in practice the New Poor Law was when it replaced a system widely regarded as profligate, and to consider the extent to which benefits payable through the welfare state were available a hundred years or more ago.This study examines in detail how the New Poor Law, and other forms of relief, affected the whole population of the rural parish of Colyton, in south Devonshire, during the thirty years from 1851 to 1881. It will first describe the sources from which a poor person in Colyton in the mid nineteenth century could look for relief; next discuss how widespread poverty was and who the poor were; then look at what kinds of relief were available, under what conditions; and finally assess the comparative importance to the poor of the different agencies providing assistance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (XX) ◽  
pp. 321-335
Author(s):  
Alexander Martin Juranek

The main purpose of this article is to refer to the Author’s considerations presented in his doctoral monography entitled “Public law status of an extremely poor person”. First of all, the appropriateness of the research hypotheses and questions adopted by the Author will be analysed with particular emphasis attached to the validity of the conclusions drawn in the context of the current social and economic situation in Poland. The second part is dedicated to considerations of a „strictly content-related nature”: from the analysis of solutions to counteract poverty at the global level, through the regional (European) level, to the national (constitutional) level. At this stage, reference will also be made to the standard of protection of the rights of the extremely poor suggested by the Author. The next part will analyse the extent of the discrepancies between the ‘minimum standard’ of protection suggested by the Author and the factual and legal situation of the poor. Conclusions in this area will be particularly useful for law application practice.


Author(s):  
Rebecca Stone

Rights-based theories of private law tend to be wrongs based and defendant focused. But many private law wrongs do not seem like genuine wrongs, at least when the background distribution of resources is unjust. A very poor person, for example, may be held legally liable for breaching a one-sided contract with a very rich person. When such a contract reflects and reproduces existing injustice, it is hard to view the poor person’s breach of such a contract as a genuine wrong against the rich person. Conversely, some obvious moral wrongs do not generate legal liability. There is, for example, no private law duty of rescue in the absence of a prior relationship in many situations in which most would agree that there is a moral duty of rescue. Thus, private legal liability seems not to track moral wrongdoing in significant respects, raising the question what instead justifies such liability. Instead of justifying private liability in terms of the defendant’s wrongdoing, as corrective justice and civil recourse theorists do, we should seek a justification in terms of the plaintiff’s moral permission to enforce her apparent rights. Switching our gaze from the defendant’s wrongdoing to the plaintiff’s moral permission to enforce her rights will not be normatively consequential if the plaintiff’s moral permission arises when and only when the defendant has wronged her. But, I argue, background injustice can drive a wedge between genuine wrongdoing and the plaintiff’s moral permission. Thus, by reconceptualizing private liability in terms of a plaintiff’s moral permission to enforce her apparent rights, private law may be justified by the essential role it plays in constituting non-ideal political morality.


1970 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 157-166
Author(s):  
George Hoshino

Examination of the plan finds the focus still on the poor person and his presumed shortcomings, not on the societal and economic causes of poverty


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Madison Ardizzi ◽  
Brian Wilson ◽  
Lyndsay Hayhurst ◽  
Janet Otte

Bicycles have been hailed by the United Nations and nongovernmental organizations for use in social and economic development. However, there is a lacuna of research exploring the value of bicycles for development (BFD) outside of Europe and America. Specifically, there is a lack of research on the structure and perspectives of BFD organizations. This study draws on 19 semistructured interviews with BFD organizations in various regions of Uganda. We found that (a) BFD organizations exist along a spectrum from community-based to international, (b) the meanings ascribed to the bicycle are unstable and context dependent, and (c) that there were a range of ways that bicycles were seen to lead to positive outcomes—although barriers to attaining these outcomes were identified too. The authors conclude by suggesting that while bicycles are considered useful for a range of development purposes, perspectives on their usefulness vary—as inequalities commonly associated with sport for development are evident in the BFD movement too.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas R. Wells

Abstract Global GDP is more than 100 trillion dollars, yet 10 % of the world’s population still live in extreme poverty on less than $1.90 per day. No one should have to live like that: alleviating poverty is a minimal moral obligation implied by nearly every secular and religious moral system. Unfortunately, neither economic growth nor conventional international aid can be relied upon to fulfil this obligation. A global basic income programme that transferred $1 per day from the rich world to each poor person would eliminate extreme poverty directly and at negligible cost. It is the least we should do.


2010 ◽  
pp. 902-909
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Pollack

Advances in technology now enable employers to utilize computers to administer online employee selection tests, which result in lower costs, increased efficiency, and fewer transcription errors (Richman, Kiesler, Weisband, & Drasgow, 1999; Tippins et al., 2006). Additionally, online employment testing software can effectively and efficiently assist in identifying individuals best suited to an occupation, reducing poor person-job fit, lowering turnover rates, decreasing training costs, and minimizing errors in hiring (Bingham, Ilg, & Davidson, 2002; Mooney, 2002). This article addresses issues related to online employment testing software including types of tests available, validity and reliability, proctoring, and social desirability. Additional terms are defined and implications and future directions for research are discussed.


Via Latgalica ◽  
2008 ◽  
pp. 174
Author(s):  
Iveta Dukaļska

Īšona grjadzēs (gradzēs) (an expression used in Latgalian to describe a specific masking tradition) is a unique masking tradition in Latgal in the district of Ludza. It existed until the 1970s parallel to the better known čigānos iešana (literally ‘going as gypsies’). Originally, these rituals had a social meaning as an activity of the poorer classes, thereby obtaining food for the Yule festivities. Since the 1960s it has been a masking ritual performed mainly by older women. I assume that it is this particular ritual that has given rise to the mask of a beggar in a more recent masking tradition. A narrator, when asked what a gradze is, usually answers that it is a poor person, a beggar, and gradzes is a ‘group of poor people’. Groups of poor people are usually associated with filth, which is also confirmed by the looks of the gradzes through their dirty faces. In turn, one of the ritual activities of the masked groups is frightening, making noise, and attracting attention, which can be explained as a function of the frightening of evil spirits. This tradition could took place during Christmas night on December 24, whereas other groups of masked people could begin their activities only on December 25. Today, it is not possible to connect these traditions to the Catholic Church, but according to the materials of a field study which has been carried out in the region of Ludza since 2005 it is possible to conclude that īšona gradzēs was allowed by the Catholic church because this ritual was performed on the most Holy holiday night. Gradzes were considered to be the first Christmas messengers, or messengers of the birth of Christ.Until the 1960s, testimonies of the narrators and available research material relating to the masking ritual allow the conclusion that people sang the Lord’s songs when going for gradzēs, and only when asking for a treat they sang traditional Christmas songs and carols. Later, as the traditions changed, different songs were sung. Singing was accompanied by slow dancing, which mostly resembled the „standing pat”. In the 1970s, sometimes a village musician, who played harmonica or violin, would join the gradzes. Gradzes were not invited in and did not enter the rooms. The treats (sausages, pies, etc.) were offered through the windows or doors. It is possible to assume that the mythical origins of the gradzes’ image could be found in Slavic mythology, where the Slavic God Kolyada (коляда) is a child of the Sun as an image of the beginning of the new year’s cycle and festivities. In Slavic mythology, there is an image similar to the gradzes, called деды, диды, дзяды – „old men” or „greybeards”. The Ded (old man) is a guardian of the family and its children. This image was also worshiped as a giver of welfare and a master of hidden fortunes. An old man with red fiery eyes and a red beard would walk around dressed as a beggar and endow the poors he would meet. Sometimes they would say that the fortune was hidden in the old man’s dirty shredded clothes. The story goes that souls of the departed relatives would walk in the form of old men, and that these souls would be treated on a Christmas evening, taking the meals out below the window. A long-term study of the tradition of īšona grjadzēs (gradzēs) was started only in 2005. At present, the work is not yet completed and research will therefore continue to be carried on by the author of the paper.


2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-157
Author(s):  
Pancratius C. Beentjes

Abstract In his analysis of Sir 35:14-26, B.C. Gregory argues that this passage opens with a plight of the individual poor person, but rather soon turns into a prayer by the nation of Israel. This short note adduces further evidence to that view by drawing attention to a particular function the Book of Lamentations has for the Ben Sira passage under investigation.


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