scholarly journals El transfondo teórico-ideológico de la «libertad civil» y su eficacia

2007 ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Javier Ruipérez Alamilo
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Classical Greece ◽  
Constitutional State ◽  
The One

The preoccupation about the conciliation between Freedom and Democracy has always been present in the political thought along History. Is for this reason why this antinomy is been tried to be solved from several approaches from classical Greece to our days. It was the rise of the liberal Constitutional State which made real both premises but from an approach in which both concepts act like characteristic of two very different frames: the one of the civil society and the one of the State, so that Freedom that acts in the first one, conditions absolutely to the second. But certainly Freedom and Democracy are, in essence, complementary and inseparable terms, because none of them can be understood without the other, and their independent fulfilment would be impossible at all.

Hegel as a Theorist of Secularization

2013 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-244
Author(s):  
Espen Hammer
Keyword(s):  
Philosophy Of Religion ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Adequate Account ◽  
Religious Development ◽  
End Point ◽  
Religious Thinking ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
The One

Hegel's philosophy of religion is characterized by what seems to be a deep tension. On the one hand, Hegel claims to be a Christian thinker, viewing religion, and in particular Christianity, as a manifestation of the absolute. On the other hand, however, he seems to view modernity as largely secular, devoid of authoritative claims to transcendence. Modernity is secular in the political sense of requiring the state to be neutral when it comes to matters of religion. However, it is also secular in the sense of there being no recourse to authoritative representations of a transcendent God. Drawing on Charles Taylor's view of secularization, the article focuses on the second strand of his religious thinking, exploring how Hegel can be thought of as a theorist of secularization. It is claimed that his dialectic of religious development describes a process of secularization. Ultimately, Hegel's system offers a view of the absolute as immanent, suggesting that an adequate account of religion will necessarily have to accept secularization as the end-point of spirit's development. This is how the tension between religion and secularization can be resolved.

Critical legal studies

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emilios Christodoulidis ◽  
Johan van der Walt
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Legal Theory ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Tradition ◽  
Social Production ◽  
Legal Studies ◽  
Critical Legal Theory ◽  
The One

This chapter traces the tradition of critical theory in Europe in the way it has informed and framed legal thought. A key, and distinctive, element of this legal tradition is that it characteristically connects to the state as constitutive reference; in other words it understands the institution of law as that which organizes and mediates the relation of the state to civil society. The other constitutive reference is political economy, a reference that typically grounds this tradition of thinking about the law in the materiality of the practices of social production and reproduction. It is in these connections, of the institution of law to the domains of the state and of the political economy, that critical legal theory locates the function of law, and the emancipatory potentially it affords on the one hand, and the obstacles to emancipation it imposes, on the other.

scholarly journals “We are fortress Europe!” Nativism and religion in the ideology of Pegida in the context of the European crisis

2017 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 53-68
Author(s):  
Mihai Murariu
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
The Other ◽  
Western Civilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
European Crisis ◽  
Fortress Europe ◽  
The One

This article deals with the movement known as “Patriotic Europeans against the Islamisation of the Occident,” or Pegida, focusing primarily on the nativist dimension which often takes centre stage in its ideological discourse. Pegida describes itself as a defender of Western Civilization and of its Christian legacy from what it sees as the perils of Islamisation on the one hand, and of globalist political elites on the other. In the context of the political changes and rise of alternative visions of civil society, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe, Pegida should arguably be seen as a representative of a growing European nativist wave. Lastly, the article looks at the “Prague Declaration,” a document which was signed in 2016 by Pegida and a number of allied movements from outside of Germany.

Hegel's Views on War, the State, and International Relations

1983 ◽  
Vol 77 (3) ◽  
pp. 624-632 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven B. Smith
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Obligation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Ethical Life ◽  
Private Interests ◽  
Perpetual Peace ◽  
The One ◽  
Kantian Morality

In this article I argue a thesis about Hegel's views on war different from most previous interpreters, e.g., Popper and Hook on the one side and Avineri and Pelczynski on the other. In particular I argue that his reflections on war are an attempt to answer the problem of political obligation or the question of why should anyone willingly die for the state. Accordingly, I examine briefly Hegel's critique of Kantian morality for its inability to account for political obligation proper and although ultimately I conclude that Hegel never completely extricated himself from Kant's belief in a providentialist historicism leading to a condition of “perpetual peace,” I still want to suggest that war remains for Hegel an essential moment in the “ethical” life of the state and perhaps the chief means whereby the dignity and autonomy of the state can be exerted over the network of private interests that constitutes civil society.

Leibowitz, Yeshayahu (1903–94)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Hartman
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Israeli Society ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Thought ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Religious Law ◽  
The One ◽  
State Of Israel

Unlike the major intellectual currents that shaped religious thought in the modern world, Leibowitz’s thought is deeply anchored in the Israeli context. Both as philosopher and activist, Leibowitz lived and articulated the paradoxes of modern Israel where he lived and was best known. His reputation as a Socratic gadfly to the establishment reflected his ongoing critique of both Israeli society in the light of Judaism, and Judaism in the light of the revolutionary implications of the creation of the State of Israel. On the one hand, he was a Jewish patriot, a fighter for Jewish independence from all forms of foreign rule; on the other hand, he was a harsh, relentless critic of national and political expressions of chauvinism in the Israeli establishment. A strictly observant Jew, Leibowitz had less impact on traditional religious Jews than on secular Israelis. His central message is that what makes Jews distinctive as a group is neither their theology nor their Bible, but the system of law with which they regulate their lives. Judaism is a communal concept, and there is no point in religious Jews ignoring the State of Israel, or expecting others to bear their civil burdens for them. Religious law has to be reconciled with life in the political reality of the state, and this necessitates changing those attitudes to the law which reflect the historical conditions of life in exile.

Parties and the State

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard S. Katz ◽  
Peter Mair
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The One ◽  
Private Associations

For most of their history, political parties were understood to be external to the state. Particularly starting in the last quarter of the twentieth century, there has been an accelerating trend to redefine the relationships between parties and civil society on the one hand, and between parties and the state, on the other. Parties have been drawing away from society and moving toward the state. Parties often draw a large portion of their resources from the state in the form of subventions and are increasingly regulated by the state according to norms more generally associated with public entities than with private associations. The resulting similarity of regulatory and financial circumstances, and the expansion of partisan public offices shared by parties that are temporarily in office and temporarily out of office, both brings the mainstream parties closer to one another and blurs the boundary between parties and the state.

Representation and participation in the changing world of party politics

1998 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Mair
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Processes Of Change ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
The Future ◽  
The One

The 20th-century has been the century of mass politics, and the mass parties that emerged at the beginning of this century became deeply rooted within wider society. The passing of this golden age of the party has now been marked by two distinct processes of change. On the one hand, parties have become more distant from society and more closely linked to government and the state. On the other hand, there has been a decline in the political identities of the parties, such that voters now find it increasingly difficult to distinguish between them. These changes, and the related transformation of politics into administration, have led to a growth in popular indifference to parties and to politics in general, as well as to a declining sense of engagement. Should this trend continue, it is mass spectacle rather than mass involvement that is likely to characterize the future of mass politics.

Remaking the State or Creating Civil Society? Vietnamese Migrant Associations in Poland

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-72
Author(s):  
Grażyna Szymańska-Matusiewicz
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Transnational Connections ◽  
The One ◽  
Migrant Associations

In this essay, I analyze Vietnamese migrant associations in Poland, which have been routinely classified as “non-governmental organizations.” And yet, through their involvement in networks of relationships with a broad range of actors, including transnational connections with institutions back in Vietnam, they are in fact positioned in a liminal zone between the state and civil society. On the one hand, migrant associations are to a large extent entangled with the politics of the Vietnamese state through various channels, including the embassy, and through personal and institutional connections maintained with mass organizations such as the Fatherland Front and the Women’s Union. On the other hand, they are able to retain some degree of autonomy and pluralism, remaining active agents engaged with the fraught social and political activities of Vietnamese diasporics in Poland.

scholarly journals Den filosofiske politiker – Frederik den Store og statsræsonen

2018 ◽  
pp. 55-70
Author(s):  
Mathias Hein Jessen
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Reason Of State ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Thinker

Frederick the Great (ruled 1740-86) is one of the main figures of Enlightened Absolutism. Frederic was on the one hand an enlightened philosopher deeply inspired by the ideals of the Enlightenment. On the other hand he ruled one of the most autocratic states in history and commanded the strongest and most disciplined military force of his time. Despite his many writings, however, Frederick is rarely investigated as a political thinker. The article focuses on the political writings of Frederick the Great and more specifically on his use of the concept of reason of state to legitimize his rule, not least with regard to his enlightened ideals. In this struggle for legitimacy, Frederick abolishes the concept of a personal ruler, and in doing so becomes a fascinating figure in the transition from a personalized government to the abstract, depersonalized concept of the state that still dominates our political reality today.

Whose Mistake? The Errors of Friendship in Cicero, La Boétie, and Montaigne

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Bizer
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Wars Of Religion ◽  
Political Extremism ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
French Wars Of Religion ◽  
It Support ◽  
The One

Focusing on Montaigne’s adaptation of Cicero’s De amicitia within his own essay “On Friendship,” this chapter reveals Montaigne’s complex reception of the “Roman error” of putting friendship before the needs of the state. Drawn to such matters in part by his friendship with Étienne de La Boétie, Montaigne, in effect, disagrees with Cicero over how to react to this error. Cicero (through his Laelius) opts to condemn it, while Montaigne finds in it support for his view of friendship, one that in turn sustains Montaigne’s moderation amid the political extremism of the French Wars of Religion. Montaigne’s rejection of Roman friendship as error on the one hand reflects his questioning of the value of ancient models for understanding the present. On the other hand, however, his characterization of ideal friendship as autotelic and autonomous can also be seen as a tacit acknowledgment that friendship among the elite is inherently political.

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