Electoral Strategies of People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and Election Credibility During the Nigeria’s 2011 Presidential Election in Kaduna

In 2016, the Republican-held Senate refused to hold a hearing on President Barack Obama’s nominee, Merrick Garland, sparking outrage among the Democratic Party. Then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell justified his party’s actions based on what became known as the “McConnell Rule.” This controversial rule holds that during years of presidential elections, when the president and the Senate majority are of different parties, the Senate is not expected to confirm the president’s Supreme Court nominees; but, when the president and Senate majority are of the same party, vacancies may be filled. When the Senate applied this rule in 2020, the stakes were even higher. Revered liberal stalwart Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg passed away only 46 days before the 2020 presidential election. Invoking the McConnell Rule, the Republican-held Senate moved forward with the confirmation of President Trump’s nominee Amy Coney Barrett. This contentious move again infuriated Democrats, and the presidential campaign. Now that Justice Barrett has been appointed and the presidential election has passed, it is useful to look back on the history of Supreme Court nominations during presidential election years. Such a review suggests that the so-called McConnell Rule is rooted in valid historical precedent. In fact, viewed in light of American history, even a Trump lame duck nomination and confirmation would have been valid. This blog post argues that the Senate should distill this historical precedent into an explicit Rule of the Senate that will govern the chamber going forward. The rule should obligate the Senate to either (1) hold a vote to confirm the election-year or lame duck nominee, or (2) hold a vote to postpone action on the nomination. If a vote to postpone action on the nomination fails, the rule should then compel the Senate to hold a vote to confirm the nominee. Such a rule removes all doubt about the Senate’s authority to act or refuse to act on election-year and lame duck nominees, exposes unfounded threats of retaliation by minority parties, and best conforms to the Constitution.

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Pendidikan Politik dan Isu Agama dalam Pilpres (Studi pada Mahasiswa IAIN Manado dan UIN Makassar) (Political Education and Religious Issues in the Presidential Election (Study on Students of IAIN Manado and UIN Makassar))

Potret Pemikiran ◽

10.30984/pp.v25i1.1424 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 25 (1) ◽

pp. 44

Author(s):

Sahari Sahari ◽

Andi Fikra Pratiwi Arifuddin

Keyword(s):

Social Media ◽

Presidential Election ◽

Millennial Generation ◽

Democratic Party ◽

Political Education ◽

Student Opinions ◽

Religious Issues ◽

High Degree ◽

Very High ◽

Religious Polarization

Abstrak The purpose of this research is tofind out student opinions on religious polarization on social media in the 2019 presidential and vice presidential elections, and how social media educates new voters (melinial). The method used is qualitative, the reason is because this research requires field data that is actual and contextual, qualitative methods have a very high degree of adaptability so that researchers can adjust to situations and conditions that are constantly changing when data collection. This research found some important notes that manysocial media which makes use of religious issues and a religious polarization strategy to win certain candidates in the 2019 presidential election, because it is considered effective in influencing the attitudes of voters, especially from millennials (students), even though many political experts claim / admit that playing religious sentiment violates ethics and is not good for millennial generation political education. Apart from being a campaign tool, social media is also used as an effort and strategy to provide political education for the millennial generation by stakeholders, such as the KPU and Bawaslu, in order to avoid exposure to hoax news, black campaigen, money politics and so on which can injure the greatness of the democratic party. Abstrak Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui pendapat mahasiswa terhadap polarisasi agama di media sosial pada pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden Tahun 2019, dan bagaimana media sosial mengedukasi pemilih pemula (melinial). Metode yang digunakan yakni kualitatif, alasannya karena penelitian ini membutuhkan data lapangan yang bersifat aktual dan kontekstual, metode kualitatif memliki tingkat adaptabilitas yang sangat tinggi sehingga peneliti bisa menyesuaikan dengan situasi dan kondisi yang senantiasa berubah saat pengambilan data. Penelitian ini menenemukan beberapa catatan penting bahwa banyak media sosial yang memanfaatkan issu agama dan strategi polarisasi agama untuk memenangkan calon tertentu pada pemilihan pilpres 2019, karena diangap efektif untuk mempengaruhi sikap pemilih terutama dari kalangan milenial (mahasiswa), padahal banyak pakar politik yang menyatakan/mengakui bahwa memainkan sentiment agama melanggar etika dan kurang baik untuk pendidikan politik generasi milenial. Selain sebagai alat kampanye, media sosial juga dimanfatkan sebagai usaha dan strategi untuk memberikan pendidikan politik bagi generasi milenial oleh pemangku kepentingan, seperti KPU dan Bawaslu, agar terhindar dari paparan berita Hoax, black campaigen, money politik dan sebagainya yang dapat menciderai khitmadnya pesta demokrasi. Kata kunci: isu agama, pendidikan politik, media sosial.

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The Liberal Democratic Party: Its adaptability and predominance in Japanese politics for 60 years

Asian Journal of Comparative Politics ◽

10.1177/2057891118783270 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 4 (1) ◽

pp. 8-22

Author(s):

Michio Umeda

Keyword(s):

Economic Development ◽

Presidential Election ◽

Democratic Party ◽

Japanese Society ◽

Liberal Democratic Party ◽

Electoral Reform ◽

Party Organization ◽

Allocation System ◽

Japanese Politics ◽

Liberal Democratic

This article discusses the origin and continuity of the predominance of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in Japanese politics since the party’s formation in 1955. The LDP experienced two crises in its history, the first owing to the transformation of Japanese society by rapid economic development during the 1960–1970s, and the second due to the electoral reform in 1994 and the challenge from the Democratic Party of Japan thereafter. I argue that the LDP’s continuous success is attributable to its adaptability to new environments: the party overcame the first crisis by shifting the policy focus, reorganizing its support base and the party organization to achieve intraparty consensus. It coped with the second crisis by forming a coalition with the Clean Government Party and reforming the party’s presidential election and the ministerial post-allocation system. The article concludes with a summary and a brief discussion regarding the future of the LDP.

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Conspiracy theories, election rigging, and support for democratic norms

Research & Politics ◽

10.1177/2053168020959859 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 7 (3) ◽

pp. 205316802095985

Author(s):

Bethany Albertson ◽

Kimberly Guiler

Keyword(s):

Presidential Election ◽

Democratic Party ◽

Negative Emotions ◽

Survey Experiment ◽

Democratic Institutions ◽

Conspiracy Theories ◽

Us Presidential Election ◽

Democratic Norms ◽

Election Meddling

Under what conditions does conspiratorial rhetoric about election rigging change attitudes? We investigated this question using a survey experiment the day before and the morning of the 2016 US presidential election. We hypothesized that exposure to conspiratorial rhetoric about election interference would significantly heighten negative emotions (anxiety, anger) and undermine support for democratic institutions. Specifically, we expected that Democrats who read conspiratorial information about interference by the Russians in US elections, and that Republicans who read conspiratorial information about interference by the Democratic Party in US elections would express less support for key democratic norms. Our evidence largely supported our hypotheses. Americans exposed to a story claiming the election would be tampered with expressed less confidence in democratic institutions, and these effects were moderated by prior partisan beliefs about the actors most likely responsible for election meddling.

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Critical sociocognitive analysis of hate speech in the 2015 Nigerian presidential election campaigns

Pragmatics and Society ◽

10.1075/ps.16030.sun ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 12 (1) ◽

Author(s):

Adesina B. Sunday

Keyword(s):

Political Parties ◽

Presidential Election ◽

Democratic Party ◽

Hate Speech ◽

Presidential Campaign ◽

Shared Knowledge ◽

Election Campaigns

Abstract In an attempt to ensure electoral victory, politicians use different strategies. One of such is resort to hate speech to discredit the opponents. The 2015 presidential election campaigns in Nigeria witnessed unrestrained use of hate speech in different media. This paper analysed selected speeches of the campaign organisations of the two leading political parties in the election, namely the Peoples Democratic Party Presidential Campaign Organisation and the All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Organisation. Data were got from the speeches and advertorials of the two organisations sampled from The Nation and The Punch, published between January and March 2015. The speeches were subjected to critical sociocognitive analysis. The antecedents of the candidates became a recipe for hate speech. Propagandist and alarmist ideologies were used. Socially shared knowledge played an important role in the hate speech. Figures were used symbolically and serious attempts were made to frighten the electorate.

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Strategies of ideological polarisation in the online news media: A social actor analysis of Megawati Soekarnoputri

Discourse & Society ◽

10.1177/0957926520961634 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 32 (1) ◽

pp. 64-80

Author(s):

Jane Louise Ahlstrand

Keyword(s):

News Media ◽

Presidential Election ◽

Democratic Party ◽

Political Engagement ◽

Online News ◽

Media Discourse ◽

Social Actor ◽

Group Members ◽

Actor Analysis ◽

The Impact

This article examines strategies of ideological polarisation in the discourse of the Indonesian online news media site, Kompas.com. Applying Van Leeuwen’s model of social actor analysis and van Dijk’s concept of the ideological square, the study focuses on the representation of Megawati Soekarnoputri, leader of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) as an icon of ideological contestation during the 2014 presidential election. Situated in the era of digital platform convergence, the analysis uncovers a pattern of strategically ambiguous representations of Megawati and her apparently transgressive actions and interactions. This practice entices readers to ‘read between the lines’ and activate their ideological repertoire to determine in-group and out-group members. It also enables Kompas.com to pursue commercial objectives and navigate journalistic constraints by obscuring explicitly ideological content. The implications are discussed in terms of the impact of online news media discourse upon democratic political engagement, and women’s political participation.

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Optimal Electoral Strategies for Socialist Parties

Comparative Political Studies ◽

10.1177/0010414084016004001 ◽

1984 ◽

Vol 16 (4) ◽

pp. 419-455 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

MARK LICHBACH

Keyword(s):

Middle Class ◽

Working Class ◽

Democratic Party ◽

Formal Model ◽

Social Democratic Party ◽

Social Democratic ◽

Party Leaders ◽

Electoral Strategies ◽

Democratic Parties ◽

Social Democratic Parties

A strategic dilemma confronts social democratic parties in postindustrial politics: whether to depend on the working class or on the middle class for electoral support. If a social democratic party becomes more heterogeneous (argue working-class strategists) or more homogeneous (argue the middle-class strategists) in class support, then it will also become more electorally successful. The controversy is addressed in two ways. First, a formal model of vote maximization offers a more complete explication of the strategic tradeoffs confronting party leaders than is offered by either the working-class or the middle-class strategists. Second, the alternative electoral strategies are also probed using aggregated survey data on social class and party fortunes. Data come from 41 elections in the postwar era contested by five social democratic parties. Findings come from regressing the total, working-class, and middle-class votes for each party on (lagged) Rose and Urwin's indexes of social cohesion of party alignments and on (lagged) Alford's indexes of class voting. Analytical results and empirical findings are interpreted in terms of their implications for party leaders.

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US election raises doubts over Japan-US alliance

Emerald Expert Briefings ◽

10.1108/oxan-db214368 ◽

2016 ◽

Keyword(s):

Presidential Election ◽

Democratic Party ◽

Trade Agreement ◽

Content Type ◽

Campaign Rhetoric ◽

The Us ◽

Us Presidential Election ◽

East Asia Region ◽

Presidential Election Campaign

Subject The implications for Japan of the US presidential election. Significance US presidential election campaign rhetoric has sparked serious concerns in Japan about Washington's commitment to the East Asia region in the context of a long-term rise in geopolitical tensions. Republican candidate Donald Trump has publicly questioned the value of the US-Japan alliance, while Democratic Party candidate Hillary Clinton has muted her previous support for the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement, seen as the economic component of the US 'rebalance' to Asia under President Barack Obama's administration. Impacts Doubts about the US commitment to the region work to Beijing's advantage. The US government's likely failure to ratify the TPP will damage perceptions of Washington's commitment to the region. Though occasionally mooted, the idea of developing nuclear weapons is a non-starter in Japan.

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Mongolia's new president may push nationalistic policy

Emerald Expert Briefings ◽

10.1108/oxan-db222156 ◽

2017 ◽

Keyword(s):

Foreign Policy ◽

Presidential Election ◽

Democratic Party ◽

Election Campaign ◽

Content Type ◽

People's Party ◽

The Public

Subject The recent presidential election in Mongolia. Significance With the victory of Khaltmaa Battulga in the presidential election on July 7, the Democratic Party (DP) has held onto the presidency. The legislature and cabinet remain in the hands of the rival Mongolian People’s Party (MPP). The election of an MPP president would have signalled continuity and stability; a Battulga win introduces uncertainty. Impacts Battulga may push to scale back austerity and provide the public with more immediate benefits from the resources sector. Despite the anti-Chinese sentiment evident during Battulga's election campaign, he is more likely to be pragmatic than confrontational. Battulga may use the presidency's foreign policy powers to reach out to Russia.

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