scholarly journals Public perception does not accurately reflect resources available to survivors of torture in the United States

2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison Burke

There is a great deal of misinformation regarding resources available to and obstacles faced by survivors of torture (SOTs) in the United States. A key reason for this is the fact that much of the dialogue centers on the perceived burden of immigration. This rhetoric does not accurately communicate the resources available to refugees and asylum seekers in the US. Since public opinion has, historically, played an influential role in shaping immigration law, creating more effective public policy requires discourse to be rooted in fact.

Policy Analysis in the United States brings together contributions from some of the world’s leading scholars and practitioners of public policy analysis including Beryl Radin, David Weimer, Rebecca Maynard, Laurence Lynn, and Guy Peters. This volume is part of the International Library of Policy Analysis series, enabling scholars to compare cross-nationally concepts and practices of public policy analysis in the media, sub-national governments, and many more institutional settings. The book explores the current landscape of public policy in the US, its breadth and complexities, and the role of policy analysis. It highlights the role and importance of policy analysis in the present, especially in the context of “alternative facts”, as well as looking at the evolution of the discipline over time. It examines policy analysis from local to national levels, and includes specific chapters examining how public policies and policy analysis have been shaped by, and shapes, public opinion, the American political landscape, the media, public and private sectors, higher education, and more. It includes an examination of how the academic fields of policy training and policy analysis are changing, and how policy analysis as a discipline, which started in the US, has grown and developed internationally.


Subject Asylum-seekers and Canada. Significance After an uptick in asylum claims in recent months, including via the United States, asylum policy is likely to feature more heavily in Canadian state and federal politics. Impacts New migrant flows to Canada will likely be triggered as the US government reduces its grants of Temporary Protected Status. Quebec’s government will face off against the Ottawa federal government over responsibility for new migrant arrivals. Ottawa and Washington will likely eventually update the Safe Third Country Agreement, but this could require bargaining. Canada may invest more in border policing and associated technologies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 614-644 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Kanstroom

This article considers the relationship between two human rights discourses (and two specific legal regimes): refugee and asylum protection and the evolving body of international law that regulates expulsions and deportations. Legal protections for refugees and asylum seekers are, of course, venerable, well-known, and in many respects still cherished, if challenged and perhaps a bit frail. Anti-deportation discourse is much newer, multifaceted, and evolving. It is in many respects a young work in progress. It has arisen in response to a rising tide of deportations, and the worrisome development of massive, harsh deportation machinery in the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, France, Mexico, Australia, and South Africa, among others. This article's main goal is to consider how these two discourses do and might relate to each other. More specifically, it suggests that the development of procedural and substantive rights against removal — as well as rights during and after removal — aids our understanding of the current state and possible future of the refugee protection regime. The article's basic thesis is this: The global refugee regime, though challenged both theoretically and in practice, must be maintained and strengthened. Its historical focus on developing criteria for admission into safe states, on protections against expulsion (i.e., non-refoulement), and on regimes of temporary protection all remain critically important. However, a focus on other protections for all noncitizens facing deportation is equally important. Deportation has become a major international system that transcends the power of any single nation-state. Its methods have migrated from one regime to another; its size and scope are substantial and expanding; its costs are enormous; and its effects frequently constitute major human rights violations against millions who do not qualify as refugees. In recent years there has been increasing reliance by states on generally applicable deportation systems, led in large measure by the United States' radical 25 year-plus experiment with large-scale deportation. Europe has also witnessed a rising tide of deportation, some of which has developed in reaction to European asylum practices. Deportation has been facilitated globally (e.g., in Australia) by well-funded, efficient (but relatively little known) intergovernmental idea sharing, training, and cooperation. This global expansion, standardization, and increasing intergovernmental cooperation on deportation has been met by powerful — if in some respects still nascent — human rights responses by activists, courts, some political actors, and scholars. It might seem counterintuitive to think that emerging ideas about deportation protections could help refugees and asylum seekers, as those people by definition often have greater rights protections both in admission and expulsion. However, the emerging anti-deportation discourses should be systematically studied by those interested in the global refugee regime for three basic reasons. First, what Matthew Gibney has described as “the deportation turn” has historically been deeply connected to anxiety about asylum seekers. Although we lack exact figures of the number of asylum seekers who have been subsequently expelled worldwide, there seems little doubt that it has been a significant phenomenon and will be an increasingly important challenge in the future. The two phenomena of refugee/asylum protections and deportation, in short, are now and have long been linked. What has sometimes been gained through the front door, so to speak, may be lost through the back door. Second, current deportation human rights discourses embody creative framing models that might aid constructive critique and reform of the existing refugee protection regime. They tend to be more functionally oriented, less definitional in terms of who warrants protection, and more fluid and transnational. Third, these discourses offer important specific rights protections that could strengthen the refugee and asylum regime, even as we continue to see weakening state support for the basic 1951/1967 protection regime. This is especially true in regard to the extraterritorial scope of the (deporting) state's obligations post-deportation. This article particularly examines two initiatives in this emerging field: The International Law Commission's Draft Articles on the Expulsion of Aliens and the draft Declaration on the Rights of Expelled and Deported Persons developed through the Boston College Post-Deportation Human Rights Project (of which the author is a co-director). It compares their provisions to the existing corpus of substantive and procedural protections for refugees relating to expulsion and removal. It concludes with consideration of how these discourses may strengthen protections for refugees while also helping to develop more capacious and protective systems in the future. “Those guarantees of liberty and livelihood are the essence of the freedom which this country from the beginning has offered the people of all lands. If those rights, great as they are, have constitutional protection, I think the more important one — the right to remain here — has a like dignity.” Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas, 19522 “We need a national effort to return those who have been rejected … and we are working on that at the moment with great vigor.” Angela Merkel, October 15, 20163


Author(s):  
David A. Gerber

After immigration law reform in 1965, vast numbers of immigrants, principally from Asia and Latin America, sought entry to the United States. Illegal immigration from Mexico increased dramatically after 1990. Conflicts across the globe increased the numbers of refugees and asylum seekers. This chapter compares and contrasts this wave of mass voluntary immigration with past waves. To the extent that mass migratory movements are the result of the spreading of modernizing processes across the globe, the purposes and structures of contemporary voluntary migrations are generally a variation on familiar historical themes, such as the network as the key to the organization of migration, now enhanced by new technologies, especially electronic media and jet air travel. With its laws encouraging family reconstitution, America remains an attractive destination in spite of the relative insecurity of contemporary job markets. To the extent destinations within the United States have proliferated, immigration has been nationalized.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205556362110273
Author(s):  
Prakhar N S Chauhan ◽  
Prashant Singh

The present paper delves into an often-discussed question, whether oppression and mismanagement disputes are arbitrable. Public policy concerns are cited as the primary reason for justifying the non-arbitrability of oppression and mismanagement disputes. However, while offering such an argument, what needs to be considered is whether an allegation of oppression and mismanagement in itself amounts to oppression and mismanagement and thereby pushing the tribunal to give up its jurisdiction (which is perverse and completely against the principles of competence–competence). In this paper, a thorough analysis of the concept of arbitrability has been undertaken where arguments beyond the notion of arbitrability being limited to public policy considerations have been explored. The research specifically focuses upon how arbitrability grew in terms of a tribunal’s power vis-a-vis à statutory remedy (courts), by looking at the growth of antitrust and securities transaction disputes in the United States of America.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bill Frelick

Executive Summary Temporary Protected Status (TPS) became part of the US protection regime in 1990 to expand protection beyond what had been available under the US Refugee Act of 1980, which had limited asylum to those who met the refugee definition from the United Nations’ 1951 Refugee Convention. The TPS statute authorized the attorney general to designate foreign countries for TPS based on armed conflict, environmental disasters, and other extraordinary and temporary conditions that prevent designated nationals from returning in safety. While providing blanket protection that very likely has saved lives, TPS has nonetheless proven to be a blunt instrument that has frustrated advocates on both sides of the larger immigration debate. This article evaluates the purpose and effectiveness of the TPS statute and identifies inadequacies in the TPS regime and related protection gaps in the US asylum system. It argues that TPS has not proven to be an effective mechanism for the United States to protect foreigners from generalized conditions of danger in their home countries. It calls for changing the US protection regime to make it more responsive to the risks many asylum seekers actually face by creating a broader “complementary protection” standard and a more effective procedure for assessing individual protection claims, while reserving “temporary protection” for rare situations of mass influx that overwhelm the government’s capacity to process individual asylum claims. The article looks at alternative models for complementary protection from other jurisdictions, and shows how the US asylum and TPS system (in contrast to most other jurisdictions) fails to provide a mechanism for protecting arriving asylum seekers who do not qualify as refugees but who nevertheless would be at real risk of serious harm based on cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment or because of situations of violence or other exceptional circumstances, including natural or human-made disasters or other serious events that disturb public order, that would threaten their lives or personal security. The article proposes that the United States adopt an individualized complementary protection standard for arriving asylum seekers who are not able to meet the 1951 Refugee Convention standard but who would face a serious threat to life or physical integrity if returned because of a real risk of (1) cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment; (2) violence; or (3) exceptional situations, for which there is no adequate domestic remedy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luke Glanville

AbstractOne of the justifications offered by European imperial powers for the violent conquest, subjection, and, often, slaughter of indigenous peoples in past centuries was those peoples’ violation of a duty of hospitality. Today, many of these same powers—including European Union member states and former settler colonies such as the United States and Australia—take increasingly extreme measures to avoid granting hospitality to refugees and asylum seekers. Put plainly, whereas the powerful once demanded hospitality from the vulnerable, they now deny it to them. This essay examines this hypocritical inhospitality of former centers of empire and former settler colonies and concludes that, given that certain states accrued vast wealth and territory from the European colonial project, which they justified in part by appeals to a duty of hospitality, these states are bound now to extend hospitality to vulnerable outsiders not simply as a matter of charity, but as justice and restitution for grave historical wrongs.


2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enock Ndawana

The nexus between foreign policy and the granting of asylum exists, but scholars have not yet reached a consensus regarding the nature of the relationship. This study examines the role of foreign policy in the granting of asylum using the case of Zimbabwean asylum seekers in the United States (US). It found that although other factors matter, foreign policy was central to the outcomes of Zimbabwean asylum seekers in the US. It asserts that explaining the outcomes of Zimbabwean asylum seekers in the US needs to go beyond the role of foreign policy and be nuanced because the case study rejects a monolithic understanding.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Alifa Salsabila

President Trump’s issuance of Executive Order 13769 titled “Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States” restricts and even bans access to refugees and asylum seekers from seeking international protection in and from the United States. It is done by creating narratives that refugees and asylum seekers are capable of committing “potential threats” under the umbrella of terrorism. This study aims to dismantle the paradoxes the Executive Order conveys. It focuses on the international refugee regime under the ambit of international law and a broader context of immigration debates—socially, economically, and culturally. This study uses theThird World Approach to International Law (TWAIL),making it possible for academic legal discussionto correspond in cultural context. The findings show that Trump’s Executive Order 13769 functions as the tool for the United States to “othering” refugees and asylum seekers as foreign terrorists in order to wage its national interests while ruling out humanity and the regime.


Author(s):  
Sina Mohammadi

The purpose of the article was to examine the Trump administration's asylum policy applied to Central American and Latino applicants. The United States has grappled with refugee problems in recent decades, and in 2018 Trump signed an executive order to detain families seeking to immigrate to the United States without separating from one another. With this decree, a new approach was formed in the policy of the United States government, which emphasizes the severe restrictions on the entry of asylum seekers and immigrants. In the methodological, it is a documentary research close to hermeneutics. It is concluded that, although the United States government has cited security concerns as an excuse to restrict the entry of asylum seekers, especially Latinos from Central American countries, this political approach is in conflict with the national legislation of the United States that stipulates that any citizen Foreigner arriving at any point along the US border, or at official exit points, has the right to apply for asylum. Furthermore, the implementation of such a policy is contrary to the end of the 1951 Convention, which focuses on the protection of refugees without distinction.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document