scholarly journals L'Afrique et la fin de la guerre froide : de la nécessité d'un « nouveau réalisme »

2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-306
Author(s):  
Winrich Kühne
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Significant Rise ◽  
Marshall Plan ◽  
Market Forces ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
New Realism ◽  
Peace Dividend ◽  
Nouveau Realisme ◽  
Lost Decade

Superpower disinterest turns out to be the main feature of Africa's post cold war era. Although marxism-leninism and models of socialist orientation based thereupon have utterly failed, there is not much reason for capitalism to triumph either: the debate on the limits and risks of the market forces will continue as the example of South Africa shows. The eighties have turned out to be a lost decade for development in Africa and there will be no significant rise in outside development assistance in the coming years : expectations for a Marshall Plan for Africa and hopes concerning a "peace-dividend" because of disarmament in Europe should be discounted in the context of the exploding cost of European reconstruction. Africans can either react with despair or with a "New Realism", geared at solving their problems essentially by mobilising their own resources and creativity. Europe, for its part, would be ill-advised to judge its relations with Africa merely in terms of diminishing strategic and economic interests.

Piecing together the peace dividend: Managing change in communities dependent on defence expenditure

1992 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Roe
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Military Bases ◽  
Market Forces ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Managing Change ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
Peace Dividend ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military ◽  
Defence Expenditure

Summary To date governments have been slow to appreciate that, as well as a peace dividend, arms reduction will bring social and economic hardship to communities which have relied upon defence expenditure for employment. Conversion of military bases, let alone restructuring of defence industries, cannot be left to market forces to achieve; government intervention is required to ensure the successful adjustment of communities. During the Cold War, the dominance of the “military-industrial complex” spread the notion that disarmament would threaten not only security, but jobs. Current geopolitical changes present an opportunity to challenge this argument. Local employment initiatives are essential to prevent defence cuts from causing unemployment.

scholarly journals Geopolitics of ports: Factoring Iran in India’s counterbalancing strategy for “Sino-Pak Axis”

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-182
Author(s):  
Sandeep Singh ◽  
Bawa Singh
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Regional Dynamics ◽  
Investment Opportunities ◽  
Strategic Location ◽  
Eurasian Region ◽  
India And China

The article offers an assessment of Iran’s role in India’s foreign policy calculations vis-à-vis Sino-Pak axis. The changing geopolitical and geostrategic dynamics in the post-Cold War era have brought about new possibilities and opportunities in the Eurasian space. Given the geographical conditions and re-emergence of geopolitical competition, regional connectivity through ports has taken a pivotal position in bilateral and multilateral engagements. Therefore, the port geopolitics has become a buzzword in the regional connectivity. India has many geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economic interests in the Eurasian region. However, the potential has not been realized yet due to the lack of geographical connectivity. In the backdrop of emerging Sino-Pak axis, their moves and countermoves have been limiting India’s multilateral interests including the connectivity across the Eurasian region. In these matrices, Iran’s Chabahar Port due to its strategic location has become a crucial enabler for India. However, Iran has offered investment opportunities even to China and Pakistan in the same project. The existing enmities/competition between India and China-Pakistan has made it difficult for New Delhi to convert the proposed project of Chabahar Port into reality. Against this background, the article would try to give answers to these questions; what are the regional dynamics regarding the Sino-Pak axis to block India’s connectivity with the Eurasian region? And how Iran’s Chabahar Port can be a helping factor in India’s counterbalancing strategy for Sino-Pak axis?

Charting the Tibet Issue in the Sino–Indian Border Dispute

China Report ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tsering Topgyal
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Great Power ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
New Realism ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
Border Dispute ◽  
Indian Relations ◽  
Historical Developments

In official quarters in Beijing and New Delhi, the Tibet issue figures only as a bargaining chip to ‘regulate’ their bilateral relations, not as an issue that has an independent bearing on the intractability or resolution of the Sino–Indian border dispute. Scholars of the Sino–Indian border dispute either dismiss the relevance of the Tibet issue or treat it as only a prop in their framing of the dispute in terms of security, nationalism and great power rivalry. This article argues that the Tibet issue is more central to the border dispute than official and scholarly circles have recognised so far. The article demonstrates this through an examination of the historical roots of the border row, the centrality of Tibet and Tibetans in the boundary claims of both Beijing and New Delhi and the revelation of concurrent historical developments in the border dispute and the Sino–Tibetan conflict. On the place of Tibet in broader Sino–Indian relations, the article posits that while Tibet was a victim of India’s moralistic–idealist policies toward China in the 1950s, it has now become a victim of the new realism pervading India’s policy of engaging and emulating China in the post-Cold War era.

scholarly journals Sato Masaru’s Views on the Russian-Japanese Relations in the 1990s – 2000s Withing the Context of His Professional Biography

2021 ◽  
pp. 160-172
Author(s):  
Maria Malashevskaya ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Intelligence Analysis ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Non Fiction ◽  
Lost Decade ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
Northern Territories ◽  
And Behavior

Introduction. Paper examines the views on politics and politicians of a former diplomat, member of the Japanese MOFA “Russian school”, popular political analyst, author of more than 200 books and articles on politics, politicians and political thought, Sato Masaru. Methods and Materials. The objective of this study is to extract the most relevant and illustrative ideas about politics and political behavior, expressed by a former diplomat, which relate to the essential characteristics and contents of the Russian-Japanese negotiations in the 1990s. The data sources for our analysis are the memoirs by Sato Masaru and his non-fiction texts (“The Self-Destructing Empire”, “The Art of Negotiating”, “State, God and Marxism”, “Russian-Japanese Diplomatic Relations: Northern Territories and Intelligence”). Analysis. Sato Masaru expresses uncommon views on Japanese and Russian political culture during the period of the rise of the Russian-Japanese relations in Post-Cold War era, which coincided with the “Lost Decade” depression in Japan in the 1990s and lasted for three decades. Moreover, Sato’s views illustrate the pragmatic approaches of the Japanese diplomatic machine towards the dialogue with Russia, while he obtained his information by observing members of elite groups of politicians in Moscow and Tokyo. In order to extract and study Sato’s most representative ideas, we have divided our text into four parts: (1) Sato Masaru’s professional biography, (2) his views on the structure of Russian and Japanese elite groups in relation to Sato’s diplomatic activities; (3) his assessment of the Putin-Abe dialogue in the context of the international situation. Results. The specific Sato’s views concerning Russian-Japanese relations in the Post-Cold War decades consist in (1) similarities between Russian and Japanese political cultures within the structure and behavior of elites, which are beneficial for a fruitful interstate dialogue; (2) assessment of the Putin-Abe ties in the 2010s taking into account Sato’s diplomatic experience in the 1990s and a panoramic view of international affairs under the Ukrainian crisis and sanctions during the 2010s.

Vietnam's Post-Cold War Diplomacy and the U.S. Response

Asian Survey ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 33 (8) ◽  
pp. 832-847
Author(s):  
Allan E. Goodman
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The U.S

China's Post-Cold War African Policy

Asian Survey ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 38 (9) ◽  
pp. 867-879 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard J. Payne ◽  
Cassandra R. Veney
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Post Cold War

Land of Blue Helmets

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Arab World ◽  
International Conflicts ◽  
Member States ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Past ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Political Mediation

Born in 1945, the United Nations (UN) came to life in the Arab world. It was there that the UN dealt with early diplomatic challenges that helped shape its institutions such as peacekeeping and political mediation. It was also there that the UN found itself trapped in, and sometimes part of, confounding geopolitical tensions in key international conflicts in the Cold War and post-Cold War periods, such as hostilities between Palestine and Iraq and between Libya and Syria. Much has changed over the past seven decades, but what has not changed is the central role played by the UN. This book's claim is that the UN is a constant site of struggle in the Arab world and equally that the Arab world serves as a location for the UN to define itself against the shifting politics of its age. Looking at the UN from the standpoint of the Arab world, this volume includes chapters on the potential and the problems of a UN that is framed by both the promises of its Charter and the contradictions of its member states.

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