scholarly journals Sato Masaru’s Views on the Russian-Japanese Relations in the 1990s – 2000s Withing the Context of His Professional Biography

2021 ◽  
pp. 160-172
Author(s):  
Maria Malashevskaya ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Intelligence Analysis ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Non Fiction ◽  
Lost Decade ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
Northern Territories ◽  
And Behavior

Introduction. Paper examines the views on politics and politicians of a former diplomat, member of the Japanese MOFA “Russian school”, popular political analyst, author of more than 200 books and articles on politics, politicians and political thought, Sato Masaru. Methods and Materials. The objective of this study is to extract the most relevant and illustrative ideas about politics and political behavior, expressed by a former diplomat, which relate to the essential characteristics and contents of the Russian-Japanese negotiations in the 1990s. The data sources for our analysis are the memoirs by Sato Masaru and his non-fiction texts (“The Self-Destructing Empire”, “The Art of Negotiating”, “State, God and Marxism”, “Russian-Japanese Diplomatic Relations: Northern Territories and Intelligence”). Analysis. Sato Masaru expresses uncommon views on Japanese and Russian political culture during the period of the rise of the Russian-Japanese relations in Post-Cold War era, which coincided with the “Lost Decade” depression in Japan in the 1990s and lasted for three decades. Moreover, Sato’s views illustrate the pragmatic approaches of the Japanese diplomatic machine towards the dialogue with Russia, while he obtained his information by observing members of elite groups of politicians in Moscow and Tokyo. In order to extract and study Sato’s most representative ideas, we have divided our text into four parts: (1) Sato Masaru’s professional biography, (2) his views on the structure of Russian and Japanese elite groups in relation to Sato’s diplomatic activities; (3) his assessment of the Putin-Abe dialogue in the context of the international situation. Results. The specific Sato’s views concerning Russian-Japanese relations in the Post-Cold War decades consist in (1) similarities between Russian and Japanese political cultures within the structure and behavior of elites, which are beneficial for a fruitful interstate dialogue; (2) assessment of the Putin-Abe ties in the 2010s taking into account Sato’s diplomatic experience in the 1990s and a panoramic view of international affairs under the Ukrainian crisis and sanctions during the 2010s.

scholarly journals L'Afrique et la fin de la guerre froide : de la nécessité d'un « nouveau réalisme »

2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-306
Author(s):  
Winrich Kühne
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Significant Rise ◽  
Marshall Plan ◽  
Market Forces ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
New Realism ◽  
Peace Dividend ◽  
Nouveau Realisme ◽  
Lost Decade

Superpower disinterest turns out to be the main feature of Africa's post cold war era. Although marxism-leninism and models of socialist orientation based thereupon have utterly failed, there is not much reason for capitalism to triumph either: the debate on the limits and risks of the market forces will continue as the example of South Africa shows. The eighties have turned out to be a lost decade for development in Africa and there will be no significant rise in outside development assistance in the coming years : expectations for a Marshall Plan for Africa and hopes concerning a "peace-dividend" because of disarmament in Europe should be discounted in the context of the exploding cost of European reconstruction. Africans can either react with despair or with a "New Realism", geared at solving their problems essentially by mobilising their own resources and creativity. Europe, for its part, would be ill-advised to judge its relations with Africa merely in terms of diminishing strategic and economic interests.

scholarly journals Myanmar in Contemporary Chinese Foreign Policy – Strengthening Common Ground, Managing Differences

2012 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Sutter
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
Chinese Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The One ◽  
Contemporary Chinese

This assessment first briefly examines recent features of China's approach to foreign affairs, and then examines in greater detail features in China's approach to relations with its neighbours, especially in Southeast Asia. It does so in order to discern prevailing patterns in Chinese foreign relations and to determine in the review of salient recent China–Myanmar developments in the concluding section how China's approach to Myanmar compares with Chinese relations with other regional countries and more broadly. The assessment shows that the strengths and weaknesses of China's recent relations with Myanmar are more or less consistent with the strengths and weaknesses of China's broader approach to Southeast Asia and international affairs more generally. On the one hand, China's approach to Myanmar, like its approach to most of the states around its periphery, has witnessed significant advances and growing interdependence in the post-Cold War period. On the other hand, mutual suspicions stemming from negative historical experiences and salient differences require attentive management by Chinese officials and appear unlikely to fade soon.

scholarly journals The Eu's Influence on Eastern European Stability in the Context of Ukrainian Crisis

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ömer Uğur
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Trade Area ◽  
European Unity ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Eu

The Ukraine crisis that started with the Euromaidan protests in November 2013 appears to be a most important security crises of the post-Cold War security order. Russia's aggression against Ukraine has not just threaten the territorial integrity or sovereignty of the EU's largest neighbour, but also it has led to a rivalry between the former Cold War enemies again and even it led to the start of a period that may cause to conflict between them. The EU's approach that established the Free Trade Area between the EU and Ukraine did not give any chance of talking to third country or organizations such as the Eurasian Union. Therefore, Russia worked hard to influence on Ukraine to abandon to sing the agreement and this happened to see Ukraine’s choice as a zero-sum game. In order to understand the effect of crisis on the EU and Russia, it have to be analysed the economic sanctions imposed by the EU against Russia to resolve the crisis through diplomatic and economic means. Thus, it is necessary to look at the economic relations between Russia and the EU and this data will be obtained in Eurostat. As a result, economic sanctions helped to move the conflict from the military to the diplomatic levels. Indeed, Russia has seen that European unity gave rise to a significant impact on its economy. Also, the EU realized that the sanctions is the most powerful tool in the hands of the EU in absence of military power.

Introductory Remarks by Ian Johnstone

2019 ◽  
Vol 113 ◽  
pp. 99-100
Author(s):  
Ian Johnstone
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
United Nations ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
International System ◽  
World Health ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Health Organization ◽  
Institutional Architecture

In 1945, world leaders gathered in San Francisco to sign the United Nations Charter, which laid the blueprint for today's international system. The institutional architecture that was built around the United Nations, including its specialized agencies (such as the World Bank and World Health Organization) and funds and programs (such as the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)), survived the Cold War and seemed to have hit its stride in the immediate post-Cold War era. Yet the global distribution of power has changed, states are no longer the sole actors in international affairs, and the very idea of global governance is being called into question. Not surprisingly, there is much questioning of whether the institutional architecture that was built almost seventy-five years ago is still fit for purpose. Policymakers are rightly focused on reform of that architecture. Rather than tinkering at the margins, this panel was conceived with a more radical agenda. If the UN did not exist today, would we create it? If so, what would it look like?

scholarly journals Discussing the “Core Themes” and “Principal Assumptions” of Realism – the Nuances of Post-Cold War International Relations

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Jacek Wieclawski
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Complex Nature ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Core ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives

This article discusses “core themes” and “principal assumptions” in the realist study on international relations. It identifies some fundamental claims that distinguish realism from other theoretical perspectives. Moreover, it believes that the debate on the core of realism helps to clarify its understanding of contemporary international affairs. Yet the evolution of realism reveals a number of ambiguities in the picture of its “principal assumptions”. It warns that the list of realism’s “core themes” must be cautious and avoid simplifications. The article outlines some theoretical challenges that realism faces in the post-Cold War international reality and their impact on realism’s essence. It argues that further debate on realism’s “core themes” is valuable yet it needs a more nuanced attitude – far from simplified conclusions. Finally, the article proposes a nuanced catalogue of realism’s “principal assumptions” which reflects the complex nature of contemporary international relations.

Scelle, Schmitt, Kelsen, Lauterpacht, and the Continuing Relevance of their Inter-War Debate on Normativity

2014 ◽  
Vol 83 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-38
Author(s):  
Alexander Orakhelashvili
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Law ◽  
International System ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Global History ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Major Significance ◽  
The Difference

The inter-war period of European and global history (1919–1939) fascinates by virtue of its uniqueness, the intensity of its developments, and the strategies of crisis managements it has witnessed within the League of Nations framework and beyond. The uniqueness of this period was mainly due to the fact that the identity and interests of major powers were split to a greater extent than held in common. In this time of major strategic and ideological divisions the uniform and consistent operation of positive international law as a major instrument for the preservation of peace was obviously challenged. The legal and political discourse of four major scholars of international law – Scelle, Schmitt, Kelsen and Lauterpacht – had to analytically tackle this challenge to the very viability of international law, the essence of its normativity, and its ability to make the difference in international affairs. As this contribution demonstrates, the complexity of this issue was not always given the similarly required complex attention, and grave implications followed both in legal and political terms. Viability of law in times of division is what requires that continuous attention is paid to the inter-war jurisprudential debate. The issues the four inter-war authors have focused upon retain their major significance in terms of the viability of international law in the post-Cold War international system. Three modern case-studies consequently illustrate the continuing relevance of the inter-war debate.

scholarly journals US-Japan Security Alliance Adrift?

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 3-20
Author(s):  
Tsuneo Akaha
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
End Of History ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Security Alliance

How stable is the US-Japan security alliance in the post-Cold War era? Have the “end of history”, the “end of the Cold War”, the end of a “hegemonic world”, and the “end of geography” (or the beginning of a borderless world economy) so altered the national security needs and priorities of the United States and Japan that they no longer need or desire the security alliance they have maintained since 1952? Will the alliance remain the anchor of Japanese and US policies in the Asia-Pacific region? In the age of multilateralism, will the two countries seek multilateral alternatives that will replace the bilateral alliance? In this brief analysis, I will review the ongoing debate in Japan and in the United States concerning the future of the US-Japan security alliance in the post-Cold War era.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v4i0.415 Mongolian Journal of International Affairs Vol.4 2007: 3-20

scholarly journals The Russian Far East in a Post Cold War Environment, and New International Cooperation Plans

2014 ◽  
pp. 63-72
Author(s):  
Sergey Sevastyanov
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Cooperation ◽  
Russian Far East ◽  
Far East ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Russian Far East

No abstract available DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v0i7.141 The Mongolian Journal of International Affairs; Number 7, 2000, Pages 63-72

scholarly journals Contending Perspectives on Post-Cold War US Policy toward Asia

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 21-27
Author(s):  
Eric Her
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Post Cold War

No abstract available. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v4i0.416 Mongolian Journal of International Affairs Vol.4 2007: 21-27

Shrinking room for hedging: system-unit dynamics and behavior of smaller powers

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-452 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Korolev
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
State Level ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Great Power ◽  
System Level ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
Power Balancing ◽  
Domestic Level

AbstractThis article advances the understanding of ‘hedging’ in international politics by highlighting and examining the limits to smaller powers’ hedging behavior. Building on the line of reasoning that hedging is an outcome of regional or state-level, rather than system-level, variables, the article suggests that the room for hedging available to smaller states shrinks as great powers become more competitive and attempt to balance against one another. With an empirical focus on the post-Cold War South China Sea region, particularly the evolving behavior of the Philippines, Vietnam, and Malaysia, the article demonstrates how, under the conditions of growing China–US competition, these regional states start moving from hedging to more pronounced bandwagoning vis-à-vis great powers regardless their domestic-level sociopolitical dispositions. Therefore, hedging has limits and can be envisaged as a ‘luxury’ that is inversely related to the intensity of great power balancing.

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