scholarly journals Baldwin’s Kitchen

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-105
Author(s):  
Emily Na
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Black Family ◽  
Saint Paul ◽  
Family Structures ◽  
Domestic Spaces ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Late Twentieth Century

This article traces how the queer Black writer James Baldwin’s transnational palate and experiences influenced the ways he wrote about Black domestic spaces in the late twentieth century. In the 1960s and 1970s, while Black feminist cooks and writers like Edna Lewis, Jessica B. Harris, and Vertamae Smart-Grosvenor developed new theories of soul food in relation to the Black American community and broader American cuisine, Baldwin incorporated these philosophies and transnational tastes into his lifestyle and works. He traveled and worked around Europe, settling in places like Paris, Istanbul, and Saint-Paul de Vence for years at a time. In Saint-Paul de Vence, where he spent his last years, he set up his own welcome table, at which he hosted internationally renowned guests and shared his love of cuisine. Inevitably, Baldwin’s passion for cooking and hosting meals became a large, though scholarly neglected, component of his novels and essays. In his novels Another Country, which he finished in Istanbul and published in 1962, and Just Above My Head, which he finished in Saint-Paul de Vence and published in 1979, Baldwin’s depictions of food and Black kitchens take a queer turn. Instead of lingering on traditional Black family structures, these texts specifically present new formulations of intimate home life and reimagine relationships between food, kitchens, race, and sex in the late twentieth century.

The folk’ish heritage in Nordic democracy: Examples from Denmark and Norway

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 432-447 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeppe Nevers ◽  
Jesper Lundsby Skov
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Reference Point ◽  
The People ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Late Twentieth Century

Drawing on examples from Danish and Norwegian history, this article traces the ideological origins of Nordic democracy. It takes as its starting point the observation that constitutional theories of democracy were rather weak in the Nordic countries until the mid-twentieth century; instead, a certain Nordic tradition of popular constitutionalism rooted in a romantic and organic idea of the people was central to the ideological foundations of Nordic democracy. This tradition developed alongside agrarian mobilization in the nineteenth century, and it remained a powerful ideological reference-point through most of the twentieth century, exercising, for instance, an influence on debates about European integration in the 1960s and 1970s. However, this tradition was gradually overlaid by more institutional understandings of democracy from the mid-twentieth century onwards, with the consequence that the direct importance of this folk’ish heritage declined towards the late twentieth century. Nevertheless, clear echoes of this heritage remain evident in some contemporary Nordic varieties of populism, as well as in references to the concept of folkestyre as the pan-Scandinavian synonym for democracy.

scholarly journals Deindustrialization, the Linwood Car Plant and Scotland’s Political Divergence from England in the 1960s and 1970s

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Phillips ◽  
Valerie Wright ◽  
Jim Tomlinson
Keyword(s):  
Moral Economy ◽  
Industrial Restructuring ◽  
British History ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Empirical Ground ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Late Twentieth Century

Abstract Scotland’s political divergence from England is a key theme in late twentieth century British history. Typically seen in terms of the post-1979 Thatcher effect, this in fact developed over a longer timeframe, rooted in industrial changes revealed by analysis of the Linwood car plant in Renfrewshire. Conservatism and Unionism was an eminent political force in Scotland in the 1940s and 1950s. But in all general elections from 1959 onwards the vote share of Conservative and Unionist candidates was lower in Scotland than in England. From the late 1960s onwards there were also ambitions for constitutional change. This article breaks new conceptual and empirical ground by relating these important markers of political divergence to popular understanding among Scottish workers of deindustrialization. A Thompsonian moral economy framework is deployed. Expectations were elevated by industrial restructuring from the 1950s, with workers exchanging jobs in the staples for a better future in assembly goods. Labour governments earned a reputation in Scotland as better managers of this process than Conservative governments. The 1979 general election showed that Labourism was growing in popularity in Scotland just as its appeal faded in England. At Linwood moral economy expectations were compromised, chiefly by intermittent redundancy and recurrent threat of closure, which was averted in 1975 by Labour government intervention. When the plant was shut in 1981 criticisms of UK political-constitutional structures and Conservativism were intensified.

Strategic Sisterhood

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Tuuri
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Council ◽  
History Of ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Feminist Movements ◽  
Radical Activism ◽  
Late Twentieth Century

When women were denied a major speaking role at the 1963 March on Washington, Dorothy Height, head of the National Council of Negro Women (NCNW), organized her own women's conference for the very next day. Defying the march's male organizers, Height helped harness the womanpower waiting in the wings. Height’s careful tactics and quiet determination come to the fore in this first history of the NCNW, the largest black women's organization in the United States at the height of the civil rights, Black Power, and feminist movements of the 1960s and 1970s. Offering a sweeping view of the NCNW's behind-the-scenes efforts to fight racism, poverty, and sexism in the late twentieth century, Rebecca Tuuri examines how the group teamed with U.S. presidents, foundations, and grassroots activists alike to implement a number of important domestic development and international aid projects. Drawing on original interviews, extensive organizational records, and other rich sources, Tuuri’s work narrates the achievements of a set of seemingly moderate, elite activists who were able to use their personal, financial, and social connections to push for change as they facilitated grassroots, cooperative, and radical activism.

Postrevolutionary Affect and the Consolidation of Zionism: The Case of Mercedes Sosa

boundary 2 ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 119-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamara Lea Spira
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
War On Terror ◽  
Settler Colonialism ◽  
Dirty War ◽  
Popular Imagination ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
Structures Of Feeling ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Late Twentieth Century

This essay traces the Zionist conversion of iconic revolutionary folk singer Mercedes Sosa to theorize the shifting forms of racial empire in the movement from the Dirty War to the War on Terror. I read Sosa’s story as emblematic of the thwarted revolutionary dreams of the late twentieth century and the subsequent forms of recolonization—and in this case Zionism as settler colonialism—that came to flourish in their stead. The arc of Sosa’s work spans the transitions of the epoch and their attendant affective economies: from the revolutionary hopes of the 1960s–1970s, to the deep sorrows of the early military regimes, to the infinite deferrals of justice that animated the neoliberal project. In closing, I examine solidarity responses to the 2014 attack on Gaza. Embodying the rejuvenation of joint decolonial struggle, they rupture the Zionist stronghold that has shaped dominant structures of feeling, overwhelmingly laying purchase on the popular imagination.

scholarly journals Missionaries, the Monarchy, and the Emergence of Anglican Pluralism in the 1960s and 1970s

2018 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 543-563 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel S. Loss
Keyword(s):  
Religious Communities ◽  
British Society ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
New Vision ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Late Twentieth Century ◽  
The Church

AbstractIn the late twentieth century, a new justification for the Church of England's establishment emerged: the church played an important social and political role in safeguarding the interests of other religious communities, including non-Christian ones. The development of this new vision of communal pluralism was shaped by two groups often seen as marginal in postwar British society: the royal family and missionaries. Elizabeth II and liberal evangelicals associated with the Church Missionary Society contributed to a new conception of religious pluralism centered on the integrity of the major world religions as responses to the divine. There were, therefore, impulses towards inclusion as well as exclusion in post-imperial British society. In its focus on religious communities, however, this communal pluralism risked overstating the homogeneity of religious groups and failing to protect individuals whose religious beliefs and practices differed from those of the mainstream of their religious communities.

Conclusion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lou Martin
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Family Income ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
Class Culture ◽  
Hancock County ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Late Twentieth Century ◽  
The Way

This concluding chapter examines how the rural-industrial working-class culture that emerged in Hancock County gradually disappeared in the late twentieth century. The ethic of making do traveled well from the farm to the factory town, but it began its decline in the late 1960s and 1970s as buying power increased and industrial workers focused more on vacations or socializing and less on making do. While many people in Hancock County still tend gardens, work on their houses, hunt, and fish, these activities no longer supplement family income the way they did in the 1950s. Moreover, the localism of their culture may have persisted in some ways to the present, but a localized system of negotiation that local manufacturers helped create disappeared along with many of those companies.

Women against Abortion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karissa Haugeberg
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
Lethal Violence ◽  
Grassroots Groups ◽  
Catholic Women ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
Political Dimensions ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Late Twentieth Century

Women from remarkably diverse religious, social, and political backgrounds made up the rank-and-file of the American antiabortion movement. Empowered by--yet in many cases scared of--the changes wrought by feminism, women prolife activists founded grassroots groups, developed now-familiar strategies and tactics, and gave voice to the movement's moral and political dimensions. Drawing on clinic records, oral histories, organizational records, and interviews with prominent figures, Women against Abortion examines American women's fight against abortion. It also elucidates the complicated relationship between gender politics, religion, and politics as notions of equality, secularism, and partisanship were recast in the late twentieth century. Beginning in the 1960s, it looks at Marjory Mecklenburg's attempt to shift the attention of anti-abortion leaders from the rights of fetuses to the needs of pregnant women. Moving forward, it traces the grassroots work of Catholic women, including Juli Loesch and Joan Andrews, and their encounters with the influx of evangelicals into the movement. The book also looks at the activism of Shelley Shannon, a prominent evangelical Protestant pro-life extremist of the 1990s. Women against Abortion explores important questions, including the ways people fused religious conviction with partisan politics, activists' rationalizations for lethal violence, and how women claimed space within an unshakably patriarchal movement.

scholarly journals Remaking Public Parks

2021 ◽  
pp. 95-132
Author(s):  
Benjamin Holtzman
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Private Sector ◽  
Public Private Partnerships ◽  
Public Parks ◽  
Community Residents ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Late Twentieth Century ◽  
Private Sector Involvement

This chapter examines the decline and subsequent revitalization of major parks through their control by public–private partnerships in the late twentieth century. The extensive private sector involvement in parks was far from the elite-initiated takeover that has been depicted. In contrast, this shift dates back to community residents’ organizing in the late 1960s and 1970s to revive degenerating greenspaces that had suffered municipal neglect. What first began as community park revitalization efforts in neighborhoods throughout New York spread to initiatives that involved broader elements of the private sector. Indeed, the subsequent involvement of businesses and corporations in the care and management of parks was spurred by years of campaigns by concerned residents, nonprofits, cultural institutions, and officials who had lost faith in the ability of local government to maintain parks, ultimately catalyzing the growth of public–private partnerships to manage city parks by the end of the century.

The Edmund Burke Society and Right-Wing Extremism in Late Twentieth-Century Canada

2021 ◽  
pp. e20200028
Author(s):  
Asa McKercher
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Edmund Burke ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Late Twentieth Century ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

Emerging in Toronto in the late 1960s, the Edmund Burke Society (ebs) became a leading far-right outlet. From picketing Model United Nations meetings and gatherings of left-wing groups to staging pro-Vietnam War protests and engaging in racially motivated vandalism, the ebs became a bellwether of what journalists and social scientists identified as a “virtual explosion” of Canadian right-wing extremism. The far right has a long history in Canada, and, in this regard, ebs members’ views reflected long-standing strains of extreme nationalism, racism, anti-statism, and anti-communism. However, the ebs and its successor organizations were very much concerned with issues that were current in late twentieth-century Canada: the expanding welfare state; changes in Canadian immigration policy; multiculturalism and a more civic-based nationalism; and the entrenchment of the rights revolution. Furthermore, the group’s activities were also a response to 1960s counterculture, a counter-counterculture in that it offered a radical challenge from the right, not only to the status quo but also to the New Left. While much of the history of Canada in the 1960s is focused on the left, the emergence of the ebs highlights the growth of activism at the other end of the political spectrum. Providing an important look at Canadian far-right extremism, this examination of the ebs serves as a reminder that the 1960s were not all Trudeaumania and flower power and that societal changes in the later decades of the century did not go uncontested.

The LGBTQ Press in Twentieth-Century Britain and Ireland

2020 ◽  
pp. 483-501
Author(s):  
Alison Oram ◽  
Justin Bengry
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Cultural Change ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Gay Liberation ◽  
Lesbian And Gay ◽  
Local Alternative ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Gay Liberation Movement ◽  
Late Twentieth Century

This chapter examines the development of the ‘gay’ press in Britain and Ireland from the late nineteenth century. Early periodicals that directly addressed gender fluidity and same-sex love were privately circulated; caution and secrecy lasted well into the 1960s. Yet at the same time considerable queer content appeared in some mainstream publications, such as fashion, film and physique magazines in the pre-decriminalisation period. More recognisably lesbian and gay publications from the 1960s sought to achieve political and cultural change and to foster social contacts for lesbians and gay men. The Gay Liberation Movement marked a wealth of short- and longer-lived magazines, newspapers and periodicals, while feminism invigorated lesbian activism and publications. Differentiation in content characterises the gay press in the late twentieth century, from glossy arts magazines to political campaign news to specialist pornography. From the 1980s there was a discernible shift towards lifestyle magazines. Regional gay and lesbian magazines also appear in this period, often overlapping with the local alternative press, although censorship and persecution continued alongside the success of the LGBT press. The chapter further identifies the specific development of LGBTQ publications in Scotland and Ireland.

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