scholarly journals The specificity and prospects of the current leadership of Germany in the European Union: settlement of the eurozone crisis, migration crisis and COVID-19 crisis s

Author(s):  
Daria Sevastianova ◽  
Leili Rustamova

This article analyzes the German leadership in settlement of the three crises faced by the European Union – the eurozone crisis (2009-2015), migration crisis (2015-2020), and COVID-19 crisis (2020-2021) – in order to determine the specificity of the leadership of Germany in the EU. The conceptual approach for the analysis includes the leadership criteria offered by the German researcher Joachim Schild, which allow drawing the line between the hegemonic and non-hegemonic leadership, as well as consider the factor of legitimacy and soft power. The author also discusses the role of factors that hold back the fulfillment of the leadership potential of Germany. The novelty this research consists in application of this approach for determining the specificity of German leadership on the example of settlement of crises and challenges faced by the European Union, including the ongoing crisis caused by COVID-19 pandemic. The use of case study method allows concluding that Germany, indued with, is capable to show its leadership potential only in the conditions of cooperation with France. The author believes that its successful leadership is impeded by the domestic political factors and politicization of the European agenda in the EU member-states. The relevance of drawn conclusions consists in their contribution to further analysis and forecast of the foreign policy actions of Germany aimed at settling the COVID-19 crisis and other challenges faced by the European Union at the current stage of development.

Author(s):  
A.Zh. Seitkhamit ◽  
◽  
S.M. Nurdavletova

The European Union dynamically exercises various forms and methods of the Soft Power in its foreign policy. The article reviews its main principles and characteristics as well as conceptual basics. As an example, the article considers the European cultural diplomacy in the Republic of Kazakhstan as a method of soft power. The authors pay an attention specific actions of the European cultural diplomacy in Kazakhstan as well as the mechanisms of its implementation. Apart from that, cultural soft power of two European countries – France and Germany – are considered as separate actions of the EU member states in the sphere of culture. Finally, it assesses importance of Kazakhstan for the EU and effectiveness of such policy in this country.


Author(s):  
GREGOR GARB

Povzetek Izhajajoč iz poslanstva Globalne strategije za zunanjo in varnostno politiko EU iz leta 2016 in s ciljem doseganja strateške obrambne avtonomije so države članice EU soglasno sprejele in implementirale različne pobude za krepitev razvoja zmogljivosti EU, kot so CARD, PESCO in EDF. Z doseganjem strateške obrambne avtonomije kot prednostne naloge bo EU postala ugledna svetovna sila in kot taka ne bo več tista, ki bo za doseganje svoje ravni ambicij odvisna le od velikih sil. Z izpolnjevanjem tega cilja bo EU tudi krepila svojo že tradicionalno mehko moč pri zaščiti strateških interesov. Kljub temu bo sodelovanje med EU in Natom še naprej nujno za evropsko in svetovno varnost. Ključne besede EUGS, obrambne pobude, CARD, PESCO, EDF, sodelovanje EU-NATO Abstract Following the mission of the European Union Global Strategy (EUGS), and with the aim of achieving strategic defence autonomy, the EU Member States unanimously adopted and implemented various initiatives to strengthen the development of the EU’s capabilities: CARD, PESCO and the EDF. By achieving strategic defence autonomy as a priority, the EU will become a respectable global power and, as such, it will no longer be one that depends solely on great powers to provide for its level of ambition. In this way, the EU will also harden its traditional soft power to protect its strategic interests. Nevertheless, cooperation between the EU and NATO will remain essential and is crucial for European and global security. Key words EUGS, defence initiatives, CARD, PESCO, EDF, EU-NATO cooperation


Author(s):  
V. V. Zubov

The growing number of refugees from the Middle East and North Africa to Europe, which occurred after the onset of the Arab spring and the military strengthening of the Taliban in Afghanistan, has become a severe challenge for the European Union. The migration crisis has forced the EU to step up negotiations with Turkey, a country that has become a transit point for migrants on their way to Europe. It seems evident both parties are not interested in the increase in the number of terrorist acts, the increase in the level of street crime and the appearance of separate enclaves in the territory of the countries participating in the negotiations. However, Turkey and the EU could not reach a final agreement that could completely secure the “European” border from the uncontrolled flow of refugees. Despite the decrease in the number of refugees in 2018, the danger for the European Union remains: the desire of the Kurds to create an independent state can be stopped by military force, and the re-entry of the Taliban to power is quite real. A legitimate question arises: why has Turkey, which has been a member of NATO since 1952, actively pursued the westernisation of its society since Mustafa Kemal and signed the association agreement in 1963, which is unfriendly towards the EU? The article discusses the history of relations between Turkey and the European Union, analyses the role of the EU member states in forming a common position about Turkey’s potential membership in the organisation. The author paid particular attention to changing the foreign policy situation as a factor that influenced the priorities of the parties.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-66
Author(s):  
Cătălina Mititelu

Through the concrete steps taken by its members (clergy, believers, and monks), from 1998 until now, the Romanian Orthodox Church has carried out extensive actions to monitor and solve the migration crisis. Thanks to this approach, initiated and improved by its current Primate, His Beatitude, Patriarch Daniel, both in the country and in the diaspora of our Church, the phenomenon of migration was not only be monitored, but also solved both in accordance with Church rules and with State laws, as well as those of the Law of the European Union, that is, of the EU Member States. From our article, the informed reader will be also able to see that, in its actions for monitoring and solving the migration problem, our Church has taken into account both the guidelines issued by the bodies of the Ecumenical Council of Churches and the guiding principles stated by the leaders of the two Churches, Catholic and Orthodox, namely, His Holiness, Pope Francis, and His Beatitude, the Ecumenical Patriarch, Bartholomew I, in their joint Declarations on the issue of migration, hence the ecumenical nature of the approach to the issue of migration.


Author(s):  
Oksana Mitrofanova

The article touches upon to investigation of the particularities of foreign policy’s implementation and the EU leading states positions’ coordination. The position of leading states politicians towards strengthening of EU security and defense sphere cooperation has been studied. The factor of Permanent structure cooperation (PESCO) creation and the rationale for its expediency has been underlined. The article deals with migration crisis in the EU, the reaction of the European politicians to this issue and the consequences that manifested in the elections to the Italian parliament. The reforms having support of the leaders of France, Germany and Italy have been analyzed. It is concluded that the leading EU member states such as France, Germany and Italy have to coordinate their policies for the successful functioning of the EU. These states are the most important economic powers of the European Union, and the economic success of the entire structure depends on the stability of their economies. However, other countries have their own specific views and, sometimes, are not ready to compromise. It is likely that actually the French ideas of creation of European securtity and defense autonomy might spring to life, taking into account the strengthening cooperation of France with Germany and Italy in this sphere. The leading partners of France are ready for serious partnership between their military-industrial enterprpises.


2020 ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kusztykiewicz-Fedurek

Political security is very often considered through the prism of individual states. In the scholar literature in-depth analyses of this kind of security are rarely encountered in the context of international entities that these countries integrate. The purpose of this article is to draw attention to key aspects of political security in the European Union (EU) Member States. The EU as a supranational organisation, gathering Member States first, ensures the stability of the EU as a whole, and secondly, it ensures that Member States respect common values and principles. Additionally, the EU institutions focus on ensuring the proper functioning of the Eurozone (also called officially “euro area” in EU regulations). Actions that may have a negative impact on the level of the EU’s political security include the boycott of establishing new institutions conducive to the peaceful coexistence and development of states. These threats seem to have a significant impact on the situation in the EU in the face of the proposed (and not accepted by Member States not belonging to the Eurogroup) Eurozone reforms concerning, inter alia, appointment of the Minister of Economy and Finance and the creation of a new institution - the European Monetary Fund.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 79-99
Author(s):  
Justyna Misiągiewicz

Nowadays, energy security is a growing concern in state foreignpolicy. Interdependency in the energy field is a very important dimensionof contemporary relations between states and transnational corporations.Energy security is becoming a key issue for the European Union (EU). TheUnion is one of the world’s fastest-growing energy markets and the biggestimporter of energy resources. For the foreseeable future, Europe’s energydependence will probably increase. Facing a shortage of energy, Europe isdependent on imports and the EU member states need to diversify their energysupplies. The Caspian region contains some of the largest undevelopedoil and gas reserves in the world. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, thenewly independent Caspian states became open to foreign investment. Thegrowing energy needs have given the EU a strong interest in developing tieswith energy-producing states in the Caspian region to build the necessarypipeline infrastructure. In this analysis, the pipeline infrastructure that exists orwill be built in the near future will be presented. The analysis will concentrateon routes transporting gas from the Caspian region and the most importantproblems and solutions in designing the midstream energy system in the region.The key aim of the article is to analyse the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC)infrastructure project, which will inevitably contribute to the EU’s energy securityinterest.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Vincent DELHOMME

Amidst a growing interest from European Union (EU) Member States, the European Commission recently announced that it would put forward a legislative proposal for the adoption of a harmonised and mandatory front-of-pack nutrition labelling scheme at the EU level. The present contribution discusses the implications of such an adoption, taking a behavioural, legal and policy angle. It introduces first the concept of front-of-pack nutrition labelling and the existing evidence regarding its effects on consumer behaviour and dietary habits. It then presents the legal framework currently applicable to (front-of-pack) nutrition labelling in the EU and discusses some of the main political and practical aspects involved with the development of a common EU front-of-pack label.


Author(s):  
Eugenio Salvati

AbstractThe outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has placed severe pressure on the EU’s capacity to provide a timely and coordinated response capable of curbing the pandemic’s disastrous economic and social effects on EU member states. In this situation, the supranational institutions and their models of action are evidently under pressure, seeming incapable of leading the EU out of the stormy waters of the present crisis. The article frames the first months of management of the COVID-19 crisis at EU level as characterised by the limited increase in the level of steering capacity by supranational institutions, due to the reaffirmed centrality of the intergovernmental option. To explain this situation, the article considers the absence of the institutional capacity/legitimacy to extract resources from society(ies), and the subsequent impossibility of guaranteeing an effective and autonomous process of political (re)distribution, the key factors accounting for the weakness of vertical political integration in the response to the COVID-19 challenge. This explains why during the COVID-19 crisis as well, the pattern followed by the EU is rather similar to past patterns, thus confirming that this has fed retrenchment aimed at the enforcement of the intergovernmental model and the defence of the most sensitive core state powers against inference from supranational EU institutions.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmytro S. Melnyk ◽  
Oleg A. Parfylo ◽  
Oleksii V. Butenko ◽  
Olena V. Tykhonova ◽  
Volodymyr O. Zarosylo

Purpose The experience of most European Union (EU) Member States has demonstrated effective anti-corruption practices, making the EU one of the leaders in this field, which can be used as an example to learn from in the field of anti-corruption. The purpose of this study is to analyze and identify the main features of anti-corruption legislation and strategies to prevent corruption at the national and supranational levels of the EU. Design/methodology/approach The following methods were used in the work: discourse and content analysis, method of system analysis, method of induction and deduction, historical-legal method, formal-legal method, comparative-legal method and others. Using the historical and legal method, the evolution of the formation of anti-corruption regulation at the supranational level was revealed. The comparative law method helped to compare the practices of the Member States of the EU in the field of anti-corruption regulation. The formal-legal method is used for generalization, classification and systematization of research results, as well as for the correct presentation of these results. Findings The main results, prospects for further research and the value of the material. The paper offers a critical review of key EU legal instruments on corruption, from the first initiatives taken in the mid-1990s to recent years. Originality/value In addition, the article analyzes the relevant anti-corruption legislation in the EU member states that are in the top 10 countries with the lowest level of corruption, namely: Denmark, Finland, Sweden, the Netherlands, Germany and Luxembourg.


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