On the Democratization of Innovation through Communal Organizations

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
James Adam Redfield

Abstract This paper proposes a new phenomenological approach to social history by clarifying, critiquing and developing key insights from Husserl’s late work. First, it clarifies how Husserl began to refute phenomenology’s so-called solipsism and ahistoricality by advancing a concept of history that integrates subjective, intersubjective and communal organizations of experience. This concept, his “history of presence”, can be called a “temporal mode of oriented constitution”. Its value is to show how a single recursive series of determinations organizes a diverse set of epistemic norms, personal memories, and intersubjective apperceptions. As we analyze each moment of this series, the history of presence emerges as highly relevant to social inquiry, inasmuch as it highlights the roles of intersubjective awareness and shared “world-time”. Second, however, the paper shows that Husserl grounded his history, not in this self-other-world triad, but in metaphysical foundations. By falling back on an atemporal principle of identity, Husserl’s thirst for Cartesian certainty obscured some of his insights. To develop these, the paper concludes with a new look at Les maîtres fous, a famous and controversial ethnographic film by Jean Rouch. Much of Rouch’s film echoes Husserl’s own problems, but Rouch’s use of montage replaces metaphysics with rhythm, identity with alterity, hegemony with mimicry, harmonious perception with dissonant yet generative apperception. Thus, Rouch dramatizes Husserl’s relevance to the phenomenology of social history. This paper’s internal critique and cross-cultural juxtaposition of Husserl’s late work portrays such relevance more accurately than Derrida’s uncharitable “metaphysics of presence” critique.


Asian Survey ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soundarya Chidambaram

Abstract This article examines the appeal of Hindu right-wing social service organizations, which try to use welfare provisions to entrench themselves in urban slums across India. However, in South India, their welfare provision is not as successful in Tamil Nadu as in Karnataka. I explain this spatial variation by arguing that these communal organizations fail to entrench themselves in those slums where preexisting civic associations closely linked to party officials and local administrators function as efficient patronage networks, providing welfare needs to the urban poor and reducing the need for non-state actors such as right-wing groups.


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-356
Author(s):  
Ephraim Nimni

AbstractThis article analyzes the international consensus on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that there should be a two state solution and finds it unworkable on several counts. The conflict has no territorial solution: high population density makes partition impossible without leaving unwanted pockets of one people in the territory of the other; it is not possible for any Israeli government to dismantle settlements in the West Bank without causing a civil war; and in such a small and overcrowded territory, it is not feasible to have monocultural nation-states when the population is now evenly divided between the two conflicting national communities that reside in overlapping areas. Demographic forecasts show in the short term, a decrease in the proportion of Israeli Jews and an increase in the proportion of Palestinians. In the face of this stalemate, the article recalls the 90-year-old proposal by enlightened Jewish personalities to create a binational state under the modality of national-cultural autonomy. Furthermore, and paradoxically, in a reversal of the situation 90 years ago, Palestinian Israeli citizens are slowly creating a bottom-up series of autonomous communal organizations that provide self-government without territorial control, a model for nonterritorial autonomy in a manner that reminds of the earlier proposals of the Jewish personalities. The article concludes that this could potentially be a way out of this stalled and protracted conflict. A plurinational state in Israel-Palestine based on the model of National Cultural Autonomy with shared sovereignty and collective rights for all communities.


1997 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 707-730 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richa Nagar

The author focuses on the religious and caste-based (or ‘communal’) organizations and places of the Hindu immigrant community in postcolonial Dar es Salaam (Tanzania). The paper illustrates how communal organizations, and the contending public narratives that they generated, played a crucial role in defining Hindu communal places and the caste, class, and gender politics around these places. In highlighting these complex politics of multiple identities and communal places, the author underscores the importance of a rapidly shifting political context and a constant reconfiguration of the Tanzanian Asian diaspora at the local, national, and international levels.


2014 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 317-339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carimo Mohomed

In 1930, Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938) devised for the first time the creation of a separate state for the Indian Muslims, for whom, according to him, the main formative force through History had been Islam. Although predicated upon secular ideologies, the Pakistan movement was able to mobilize the masses only by appealing to Islam. Nationalism became dependent on Islam and, as a result, politicized the faith. A number of Muslim religious and communal organizations pointed to the importance of promoting Muslim nationalism, political consciousness and communal interests. As the creation of Pakistan became more and more likely, Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi (1903-1979) increased his attacks on the Muslim League, objecting to the idea of Muslim nationalism because it would exclude Islam from India. The increasingly communal character of the Indian politics of the time, and the appeal made to religious symbols in the formulation of new political alliances and programmes by various Muslim groups as well as Muslim League leaders, created a climate in which Mawdudi's theological discourse found understanding and relevance. This paper, using especially the political thought of Muhammad Iqbal and Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi, analyses how Islam was used to justify a separate state for the Indian Muslims, and the impacts on and challengesto the political process and its evolution, at the same time that it concludes that "Islam", as a political symbol, can have many forms according to the ideas previously held by those who use it.


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