War Is Justiciable, Until It Isn’t

Author(s):  
Jasmine Farrier

This chapter demonstrates that courts were once comfortable entering into the fray when they have clear congressional guidelines about war authorization (private lawsuits) and when members of Congress press their claims through political as well as legal channels (Cambodia cases). It also shows that federal courts can have a place in war powers conflicts—and they did up through the mid-twentieth century, but only in individual plaintiff cases. Although no federal court has ever ordered a president to stop a war, there was once more comfort in judicial engagement in war-related constitutional questions, at least from the founding generation through the Civil War and beyond; the Cold War changed all three branches' orientations. Member litigation began during the Vietnam War out of frustration with imbalance of power that took permanent root in the Cold War and then remained in the political culture under new international pressures in the 1990s and after 9/11. The chapter then details the first two member cases surrounding the Vietnam War's expansion.

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 14
Author(s):  
Irma Jóhanna Erlingsdottir

The play The Terrible but Unfinished Story of Norodom Sihanouk, King of Cambodia by Hélène Cixous, and directed by Ariane Mnouchkine at the Théâtre du Soleil in 1987, deals with the systemic failure of a political culture – transcending spatial and temporal parameters – and its genocidal consequences in national and international contexts, as well as individual and collective resistance. The article aims to study the political and geopolitical narrative as well as Cixous’ interpretation of history, with references to the civil war in Cambodia, the Cold War and the Vietnam War. Our approach to the play, which marks the beginning of the collaboration between the director Ariane Mnouchkine and Hélène Cixous, is that of an exploration and contextualization of its political and historical content to show how, in the words of Cixous, it « pollinates » its literary representation. We will analyze the interaction between discourses on traditionalism and modernization, imperialism and resistance, territoriality and exile. This also includes a study of the meaning of space as a « place of memory », since pay particular attention will be paid to the action of the play and the struggles of power, constantly changing places – whether these are interior or transnational – through Phnom Penh, Beijing, Washington, Paris and Moscow.


Author(s):  
Phyllis Lassner

Espionage and Exile demonstrates that from the 1930s through the Cold War, British Writers Eric Ambler, Helen MacInnes, Ann Bridge, Pamela Frankau, John le Carré and filmmaker Leslie Howard combined propaganda and popular entertainment to call for resistance to political oppression. Instead of constituting context, the political engagement of these spy fictions bring the historical crises of Fascist and Communist domination to the forefront of twentieth century literary history. They deploy themes of deception and betrayal to warn audiences of the consequences of Nazi Germany's conquests and later, the fusion of Fascist and Communist oppression. Featuring protagonists who are stateless and threatened refugees, abandoned and betrayed secret agents, and politically engaged or entrapped amateurs, all in states of precarious exile, these fictions engage their historical subjects to complicate extant literary meanings of transnational, diaspora and performativity. Unsettling distinctions between villain and victim as well as exile and belonging dramatizes relationships between the ethics of espionage and responses to international crises. With politically charged suspense and narrative experiments, these writers also challenge distinctions between literary, middlebrow, and popular culture.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-260
Author(s):  
Antonio Cazorla-Sánchez

The recent evolution of both the historiography on the Spanish Civil War, and even the general population's perception of the conflict, cannot be separated from the changes in the political and cultural paradigms in Europe since the end of the Cold War. By this I mean that Europeans, but not only them, have been evolving from a mostly ideological view of the past to an increasingly humanistic one.


2002 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joséé M. Sáánchez-Ron

This paper studies the tactics developed in Spain to improve the country's scientific capacity over most of the 20th century. Early in the 20th century, Spain sought to raise its low scientific standing by establishing relations with foreign scientists. The tactics changed according to the political situation. The first part of the paper covers the period from 1900 to the Civil War (1936-39); the second examines consequences of the conflict for physical scientists in Spain; and the third analyzes the growth of physical sciences in Franco's Spain following the Civil War, a period in which the United States exerted special influence.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002234332110246
Author(s):  
Marieke Zoodsma ◽  
Juliette Schaafsma

It is often assumed that we are currently living in an ‘age of apology’, whereby countries increasingly seek to redress human rights violations by offering apologies. Although much has been written about why this may occur, the phenomenon itself has never been examined through a large-scale review of the apologies that have been offered. To fill this gap, we created a database of political apologies that have been offered for human rights violations across the world. We found 329 political apologies offered by 74 countries, and cross-nationally mapped and compared these apologies. Our data reveal that apologies have increasingly been offered since the end of the Cold War, and that this trend has accelerated in the last 20 years. They have been offered across the globe, be it that they seem to have been embraced by consolidated liberal democracies and by countries transitioning to liberal democracies in particular. Most apologies have been offered for human rights violations that were related to or took place in the context of a (civil) war, but there appears to be some selectivity as to the specific human rights violations that countries actually mention in the apologies. On average, it takes more than a generation before political apologies are offered.


2020 ◽  
Vol 97 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-49
Author(s):  
Kevin Waite

California once housed over a dozen monuments, memorials, and place-names honoring the Confederacy, far more than any other state beyond the South. The list included schools and trees named for Robert E. Lee, mountaintops and highways for Jefferson Davis, and large memorials to Confederate soldiers in Hollywood and Orange County. Many of the monuments have been removed or renamed in the recent national reckoning with Confederate iconography. But for much of the twentieth century and into the twenty-first, they stood as totems to the “Lost Cause” in the American West. Despite a vast literature on the origins, evolution, and enduring influence of the Lost Cause myth, little is known about how this ideology impacted the political culture and physical space of the American West. This article explores the commemorative landscape of California to explain why a free state, far beyond the major military theaters of the Civil War, gave rise to such a vibrant Confederate culture in the twentieth century. California chapters of the United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) carried out much of this commemorative work. They emerged in California shortly after the organization's founding in Tennessee in 1894 and, over the course of a century, emblazoned the Western map with salutes to a slaveholding rebellion. In the process, the UDC and other Confederate organizations triggered a continental struggle over Civil War memory that continues to this day.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1161-1186
Author(s):  
Stuart Ward

Europe’s maritime empires unraveled at the intersection of the major upheavals of the twentieth century: the defeat of the Axis Powers, postwar reconstruction, and the onset of the Cold War. Conventionally labeled “decolonization,” the far-reaching implications of the term belie its surprisingly limited temporal and interpretative reach. This chapter examines the onset of decolonization and its neocolonial afterlife through the interplay of events, agencies, and the ideas that emerged to make sense of them. It takes its point of departure in the intellectual rumblings of the interwar years, culminating in the “Wind of Change” era in colonial Africa in the early 1960s—precisely the time when “decolonization” found a permanent foothold in the political lexicon. Significantly, no sooner had the term become common currency than its political antonym, “neocolonialism,” was promptly pressed into service. As such, the two phenomena were deeply implicated in each other’s formative historical context.


Author(s):  
Johann P. Arnason

The main focus of the chapter is on the first half of the short twentieth century as a background to European integration, but it contains some reflections on subsequent developments. Against the widely current description of the period from 1914 to 1945 as a time of European civil war, it is argued that the notion of a civilisational crisis is more adequate, and this crisis is best understood in terms of modernity as a distinctive civilisation with specific European variations. Global wars and totalitarian regimes, based on ideological absolutizations of class and nation as historical actors, are the defining features of the crisis period. The following phase, characterised by the Cold War, was partly a step beyond the crisis, partly a perpetuation of its dynamics. The process of European integration, unfolding in this context, was a response to the most traumatic experiences of the crisis, but also an attempt to move beyond the constellation that had proved conducive to disasters. This latter aspect may be described as the civilisational dimension of the European project. The concatenation of circumstances and intentions is a matter for historical interpretation, rather than strong theories; in this regard, the work of Alan Milward is exemplary.


Author(s):  
Daniel A. Morris

This chapter analyses Reinhold Niebuhr’s concepts of tragedy and irony. It explains how he defined these terms and identifies their place in his theological framework. Niebuhr identified the themes of tragedy and irony in his reflection on human nature, the crucifixion, and moral concepts such as sin, love, and justice. The chapter also explores his use of the terms within the context of twentieth-century global and domestic politics, highlighting his commentary on the Cold War, capitalism, and democracy in the United States. The chapter concludes by suggesting that the political tragedies and ironies Niebuhr identified are still with us today and that his concepts can be used to pursue the goals of his feminist, black, and Latinx critics.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 170 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Eylem Özkaya Lassalle

The concept of failed state came to the fore with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the USSR and the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Political violence is central in these discussions on the definition of the concept or the determination of its dimensions (indicators). Specifically, the level of political violence, the type of political violence and intensity of political violence has been broached in the literature. An effective classification of political violence can lead us to a better understanding of state failure phenomenon. By using Tilly’s classification of collective violence which is based on extent of coordination among violent actors and salience of short-run damage, the role played by political violence in state failure can be understood clearly. In order to do this, two recent cases, Iraq and Syria will be examined.


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