A Fundamental Component

Author(s):  
Susan Goodier ◽  
Karen Pastorello

This chapter looks at the story of black women in the New York State woman suffrage movement, which is marked by strained racial relations and exclusionary practices. Black women, like white women, saw the vote as a panacea, able to solve their specific problems relating to racial violence, education, employment, and workers' rights. Although white women seldom invited black women to join in their suffrage activities, black women found ways to advance the cause and participate in the movement. Indeed, pervasive racism complicated black women's suffrage activism, but it cannot diminish their contributions to mainstream suffragism. Rarely separating women's political rights from other fundamental rights, black women's suffrage activism showed creativity and ingenuity and did not always mirror white women's activist strategies. Ultimately, black women's influence on black male voters helped secure women's political enfranchisement in New York State.


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (15_suppl) ◽  
pp. 5579-5579
Author(s):  
Sarah Madhu Temkin ◽  
Zhaomin Xu ◽  
Carla Francesca Justiniano ◽  
Adan Z Becerra ◽  
Christopher Thomas Aquina ◽  
...  

5579 Background: Disparities between black and white patients are well documented in gynecologic cancers but information on the contributions of social factors and medical comorbidities is sparse. We examined differences in outcomes amongst black and white women with ovarian cancer in New York State. Methods: Patients with incident ovarian cancer in the New York State Cancer Registry and the Statewide Planning and Research Cooperative System from 2006-2013 were included. Differences in social and demographic factors, comorbidities and tumor characteristics between black and white women were examined with bivariate analysis. Multivariable analyses were used to examine factors associated with specific treatments and survival. Results: Of 5969 patients, 87% were white and 13% black. Age, Hispanic ethnicity and median income were similar between groups. Black women were less likely to be married (27 vs 48%, p < 0.01); and less likely to be privately insured (20 vs 50%, p < 0.01). More black women had comorbidities by Charlson Comorbidity Index (CCI) (63 vs 51%, p < 0.01). Black women were more likely to have Stage IV disease and non-serous histology (p < 0.01). More black women were treated at academic medical centers (67 vs 50%, p < 0.01). Marital status, insurance, CCI, stage, histology and treatment site correlated to the type of treatment received (p < 0.01). Black women received different treatment and had higher odds of receiving no treatment 1.63 (1.24, 2.14); chemotherapy without surgery 1.26 (1.00, 1.59); lower odds of undergoing primary surgical management 0.71 (0.58, 0.86) or chemotherapy following surgery 0.79 (0.66, 0.96; and similar rates of neoadjuvant chemotherapy. The risk of 5 year mortality was 1.14 (1.02, 1.27) times higher for black women compared with whites. Marital status, CCI, stage and histology correlated with overall and disease specific survival among both black and white women (p < 0.01). Conclusions: Multiple factors, including race, are associated with receipt of treatment and survival in ovarian cancer. Treatment for ovarian cancer was significantly different amongst black women than white in New York State. Understanding modifiable influences on racial disparities is imperative to reducing race based differences in outcomes.



2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 559-574
Author(s):  
Kara W. Swanson

AbstractIn 1870, the New York State Suffrage Association published a pamphlet titled “Woman as Inventor.” White suffragists distributed this history of female invention to prove women's inventiveness, countering arguments that biological disabilities justified women's legal disabilities. In the United States, inventiveness was linked to the capacity for original thought considered crucial for voters, making female inventiveness relevant to the franchise. As women could and did receive patents, activists used them as government certification of female ability. By publicizing female inventors, counting patents granted to women, and displaying women's inventions, they sought to overturn the common wisdom that women could not invent and prove that they had the ability to vote. Although partially successful, these efforts left undisturbed the equally common assertion that African Americans could not invent. White suffragists kept the contemporary Black woman inventor invisible, relegating the technological creations of women of color to a primitive past. White suffragists created a feminist history of invention, in words and objects, that reinforced white supremacy—another erasure of Black women, whose activism white suffragists were eager to harness, yet whose public presence they sought to minimize in order to keep the woman voter, like the woman inventor, presumptively white.



1968 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-349
Author(s):  
Herman D. Bloch

In this periodical, in a previous article covering the period 1777–1865, it was revealed that many New York Afro-Americans had refused to view with apathy, or even equanimity, their changed political status following the end of the American Revolution. Under New York State's 1777 Constitution, freed Black Americans had held equal suffrage rights with whites, but shortly thereafter discovered that most of these voting rights were to be whittled down, initially by the Democratic-Republicans. Many New York Afro-Americans, individually and in concert reacted to the watering down of their political rights by consistently petitioning the New York State Legislature to restore their political rights as held under the 1777 Constitution. However, the dominant group's stereotype of the Colored American prevailed since petition after petition failed to convince, first the legislators and later the white voters that they should restore equal political status to Afro-Americans in New York.



2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (20) ◽  
pp. 8
Author(s):  
MICHELE G. SULLIVAN
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  


Author(s):  
Marvin S. Swartz ◽  
Jeffrey W. Swanson ◽  
Henry J. Steadman ◽  
Pamela Clark Robbins ◽  
John Monahan


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