OFFSHORE OIL SPILL RECOVERY OPERATIONS IN THE PERSIAN GULF

1993 ◽  
Vol 1993 (1) ◽  
pp. 219-223
Author(s):  
Hugh D. Williams ◽  
Gunnar Kr. Gangsaas

ABSTRACT On or about January 25, 1991, Iraqi forces in Kuwait discharged more than 4 million barrels of Kuwaiti crude oil into the Persian Gulf. The counterclockwise current carried the resulting slick southeastward along the coast of Saudi Arabia. The Saudi Arabian oil company, Aramco, chartered the multiclassed tanker and response vessel Al Waasit, based in Dubai, to assist in the offshore recovery operation. The Al Waasit's response resulted in the offshore recovery of about 100,000 barrels of oil during a 42-day period, without a recovery system failure. The authors both served on board Al Waasit as operations managers during this response operation.

2018 ◽  
Vol III (IV) ◽  
pp. 49-67
Author(s):  
Fozia ◽  
Lubna Abid Ali

Iran and Saudi Arabia are the two main powers of the Middle East. Since Islamic revolution (1979) the competition for power, security and regional dominance has resulted in proxy wars in the region, especially, Bahrain, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria and Yemen. Saudi and Iranian rivalry revolves around some key issues such as; their contradictory ideologies (Sunni vs Shiite) PanArab issues like Palestine issue, Saudi inclination towards West, their contradictory policies about energy and desire to become dominant power of entire region. Iran's wants regional hegemony, rolling back US influence in the Middle East, empowerment of Shiite in the Middle East through sectarianism. Sectarianism has always been a major focus in the Persian Gulf and beyond for the Iranian regional policy formulation. Peace and stability in Middle East would not be possible till Riyadh and Tehran end rivalry.


2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 115-118
Author(s):  
Turan Kayaoglu

The Persian Gulf region is home to the six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (viz., Oman, the UAE, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia), Iran, and Iraq. Holding over 60 percent of the world’s oil and over 40 percent of its natural gas reserves, the Persian Gulf is central to the global economy. Yet a dominant regional power is lacking; beginning with the British in the late nineteenth century, foreign powers have consistently been meddling in the region. Significant economic, social, cultural, and political changes have transformed the region’s international relations since Britain’s withdrawal in the 1960s. The contributors to this volume, which provides a rich account of this transformation, focus on natural resources, the Iranian-Saudi competition, the interest of major external actors, and political reform. The volume’s main thrust is the centrality of both state and regime security in order to understand the region. The volume’s editor, Mehran Kamrava, notes that the international politics there is essentially that of security politics. He offers four reasons for this: (1) its central role in oil and natural gas production and, increasingly, global finance, (2) the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia over regional leadership, (3) the long-standing American-Iranian conflict, and (4) the instability brought about by intermixing politics and religion. He identifies three poles of power that shape the region’s security dynamics: the American pole; the GCC pole, which is centered on Saudi military and Qatari-UAE financial power; and the Iranian pole, which relies both on military might and soft power. Since the Iranian revolution, the American and the GCC poles have built a resilient alliance that has been driven by both the United States’ growing direct involvement and the GCC’s failure to provide security to its members. The chapters, written by leading regional specialists, further elaborate on the region’s security dynamics. In Chapter 2, J. E. Petersen offers a useful typology of boundary formation. He discusses how the state-building process, historical claims, colonial imposition, and resource competition have shaped state boundaries. As these boundaries remain contested, Petersen details various ongoing problems. In Chapter 3, Fred H. Lawson refines the concepts “security dilemma” and “alliances dilemma” and uses them to explain the arms race in the Gulf since the first Gulf War. Middle East specialists and international relations scholars will find these chapters useful in conceptual refinement ...


Author(s):  
P. C. Chu ◽  
C. L. Williams ◽  
T. Clem ◽  
S. D. Haeger ◽  
M. Ward

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 1087-1102
Author(s):  
Badri Toppur ◽  
Atanu Sanyal

Three refineries of the Indian Oil Corporation procure crude oil from suppliers, at production sites in the Persian Gulf, West Africa, North Africa, West Asia, and India. The crude oil is shipped to two ports in the state of Gujarat, India, by large tankers and medium sized vessels. From these two ports, the crude oil is pumped to the refineries via pipelines. The refineries have known capacity, that are different for the two types of crude oil. In this paper, the scaled-up problem has been modelled, as a transshipment network. Next, the concrete instance of the problem, has been solved using an LP solver. This was followed by post-optimality analysis of the solution. The flow values on all arcs, and optimal product mix, validate actual decisions. Precise shipping requirements obtained from the solution, are shared in advance with marine transporters to improve supply chain coordination.


2007 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph A. Kéchichian

The existing regional balance of power in the Persian Gulf is likely to shift after Iran becomes a nuclear state. Conservative Arab Gulf monarchies, which emerged relatively unscathed from previous tectonic changes, are poised to mimic the Iranian program with far-reaching consequences for all concerned. Although major powers may well tolerate a nuclearized Iran, its neighbors face daunting security challenges to protect and promote preferred regional interests, including tested alliances with key Western governments. Saudi Arabia and its smaller Arab Gulf partners will need to exercise savvy policies to prevent a fourth regional war before the first decade of the 21st century is out. They may even have to address intrinsic political and socioeconomic reforms to preserve existing privileges.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document