scholarly journals "Por sua liberdade me oferece uma escrava": alforrias por substituição na Bahia, 1800-1850

Afro-Ásia ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
João José Reis

<p>O artigo discute a alforria por substituição, modalidade em que o escravo trocava sua liberdade dando em troca outro escravo, tornando-se, pelo menos temporariamente, um senhor de escravos escravizado. Os dados derivam de mais de 400 casos de alforrias registradas nos tabeliães de Salvador, destacando a cidade como local no Brasil em que esse tipo de alforria foi mais usado. O artigo relaciona a substituição ao volume do tráfico transatlântico, à escravidão urbana e ao acesso a redes do tráfico pelos escravos que investiam em outros escravos. Uma das possíveis explicações para o fenômeno vem da natureza da escravidão na parte da África onde se originava a maioria dos cativos baianos, onde a posse de escravos por outros escravos era prática comum. Mas a relação senhor/escravo ganha o centro da cena. Sendo a concessão da alforria prerrogativa senhorial, da mesma forma o era a licença para cativos formarem uma poupança para comprar seus substitutos. Discute-se as negociações entre senhores e alforriados, apontando circunstâncias envolvidas. Vários aspectos da negociação são revelados através de exemplos concretos. O artigo traça, entre outros achados quantitativos, os perfis étnico (com predominância de nagôs) e por gênero (com predominância de mulheres), tanto entre substitutos como entre substituídos, vinculando esse resultado à direção do fluxo do tráfico e à dinâmica do trabalho de ganho na cidade.</p><p>“For Her Freedom, She Offers me a Slave”: Manumission by Substitution in Bahia, 1800-1850</p><p>The article discusses manumission by substitution, in which a slave bought his/her freedom giving another slave in exchange, thus becoming, temporarily at least, an enslaved slaveowner. The data derives from more than 400 letters of manumission registered by public notaries in Salvador, making the city a leader in this type of manumission in Brazil. The article relates substitutions to the volume of the transatlantic slave trade, to urban slavery, and access to slave trading networks by the slaves who acquired captives. A possible explanation for the phenomenon is that in the part of Africa where most Bahian slaves originated, possession of slaves by other slaves was a common practice. But in Bahia master-slave relations gains center stage. The concession of manumission was the master’s prerogative, and so was permission for a slave to amass savings and use them to buy another slave. Negotiations between masters and slaves are discussed on the basis of concrete cases. Among other quantitative findings, the article also traces the ethnic (predominantly Nagô) and gender (predominantly female) profiles of both the substitutes and those they substituted, linking the results to both the direction of the slave trade and the dynamics of urban slavery.</p>Slave trade and urban slavery | Manumission by substitution | Nineteenth-century Bahia, Brazil

Author(s):  
Leonardo Marques

This book explores U.S. participation in the transatlantic slave trade to the Americas from the American Revolution to the U.S. Civil War. It shows how U.S. citizens engaged in multiple forms of participation in the slave trade and how these forms changed over time. The book discusses the emergence of a U.S. branch of the transatlantic slave trade in the aftermath of independence and its quick dismantling in the early nineteenth century. It then looks at the forms of U.S. participation in a highly internationalized contraband slave trade that supplied captives to Brazil and Cuba in the mid-nineteenth century. The growth of these forms of U.S. participation resonated in the U.S. public sphere, contributing to growing tensions around the slavery issue in the 1850s, and in the international arena, stimulating frictions between the British Empire and the United States. This work explores these national and international tensions and the role of slave-trading networks in exploiting and prolonging them.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
João Reis

It was not uncommon in Brazil for slaves to own slaves. Slaves as masters of slaves existed in many slave societies and societies with slaves, but considering modern, chattel slavery in the Americas, Brazil seems to have been a special case where this phenomenon thrived, especially in nineteenth-century urban Bahia. The investigation is based on more than five hundred cases of enslaved slaveowners registered in ecclesiastical and manumission records in the provincial capital city of Salvador. The paper discusses the positive legal basis and common law rights that made possible this peculiar form of slave ownership. The paper relates slave ownership by slaves with the direction and volume of the slave trade, the specific contours of urban slavery, access by slaves to slave trade networks, and slave/master relations. It also discusses the web of convivial relations that involved the slaves of slaves, focusing on the ethnic and gender profiles of the enslaved master and their slaves.


Afro-Ásia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kaori Kodama

<p>Resenha de:<br />BARCIA, Manuel. <em>The Yellow Demon of Fever: Fighting Disease in the Nineteenth-Century Transatlantic Slave Trade</em>. New Heaven: Yale University Press, 2020. 269p.</p>


1972 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Northrup

The peoples of south-eastern Nigeria have been involved in trade for as long as there are any records. The archaeological sites at Igbo-Ukwu and other evidence reveal long distance trade in metal and beads, as well as regional trade in salt, cloth, and beads at an early date. The lower Niger River and its Delta featured prominently in this early trade, and evidence is offered to suggest a continuity in the basic modes of trade on the lower Niger from c. A.D. 1500 to the mid-nineteenth century. An attempt to sketch the basic economic institutions of the Igbo hinterland before the height of the slave trade stresses regional trading networks in salt, cloth, and metal, the use of currencies, and a nexus of religious and economic institutions and persons. It is argued that while the growth of the slave trade appears to have been handled without major changes in the overall patterns of trade along the lower Niger, in the Igbo hinterland a new marketing ‘grid’, dominated by the Arochuku traders, was created using the pre-existent regional trading networks and religious values as a base.


Atlantic Wars ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 252-273
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Plank

Chapter 11 traces the common origins and consequences of revolutions in various regions of the Atlantic world. In Europe and much of the Americas, a new military ethic developed, promoting patriotic and loyal service and condemning mercenaries and foreign interventionists. Campaigners against the transatlantic slave trade sought to dissociate Europeans and Americans from African violence. In the Americas, revolutionary conflict fuelled racial and communal animosity. Revolutionaries and counterrevolutionaries sensed their own moral superiority and showed contempt for their opponents. Anger, fear, and the desire for vengeance fed on each other, in some places leading to genocidal violence. In the early nineteenth century the United States condemned British aid to indigenous American warriors and expressed general opposition to European military intervention in the newly independent American republics. National and imperial policies adopted in the revolutionary era broke the early modern pattern of transatlantic war.


2019 ◽  
Vol 93 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 41-68
Author(s):  
Ryan Espersen

Abstract From 1816 to the 1830s, the islands of St. Eustatius, Saba, St. Thomas, St. Maarten, and St. Barts were actively engaged with illicit trade in ships, prize goods, and the transatlantic slave trade. Ships’ crews, governors, and merchants took advantage of the islands’ physical, political, and legal environments to effectively launder goods, ships, and people that were actively involved in these activities. St. Thomas stands out due to the longevity of its status as a regional and international hub for illicit trade at the end of Atlantic and Caribbean privateering and piracy. Within this social and political environment, this paper will unveil the tensions between international, regional, and local interests that drove merchants and colonial officials on St. Thomas to engage with illegal transatlantic slave traders, privateers, and pirates, during the early nineteenth century. Secondly, this paper will reveal the processes through which these relations occurred.


2017 ◽  
Vol 91 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Edgardo Pérez Morales

Around 1808, Spaniards’ ability to outfit and successfully complete slaving expeditions to Africa paled in comparison to the skill of French and British slavers. In the wake of British Abolitionism and the Cuban sugar revolution, however, some Spaniards learned the tricks of the slave trade and by 1835 had brought over 300,000 captives to Cuba and Puerto Rico (most went to Cuba). This article presents evidence on the process through which some Spaniards successfully became slave traders, highlighting the transition from early trial ventures around 1809–15 to the mastering of the trade by 1830. It pays particular attention to the operations and perspectives of the Havana-based firm Cuesta Manzanal & Hermano and to the slave trading activities on the Pongo River by the crewmen of the Spanish ship La Gaceta. Although scholars have an increasingly solid perception of the magnitude and consequences of the Cuba-based trade in human beings in the nineteenth century, the small-scale dynamics of this process, ultimately inseparable from long-term developments, remain elusive. This article adds further nuance to our knowledge of the post-1808 surge in the Spanish transatlantic slave trade.


Anos 90 ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 21 (40) ◽  
Author(s):  
Roquinaldo Ferreira

This article explores slave resistance in Angola by focusing on slave flights and the formation of runaway communities during the era of the transatlantic slave trade from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries. It argues that slave flights and runaways communities were integral to societies under Portuguese influence in coastal and internal Angola. It demonstrates that flights occurred due to a wide variety of reasons, including opposition to shipment to Brazil, mistreatments by slave owners, and the influence of African social institutions and customs. Runaways’ fate depended on the willingness of African rulers to taken them as fugitives, and many became part of gangs that disrupted the trade between coastal Angola and slave markets in the interior. The article argues that slave flights and runaway communities became more numerous in the nineteenth century, as the transatlantic slave trade declined and commercial agriculture was established in the Luanda hinterland.


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