scholarly journals IMPACTS OF BLACK FEMINISM ON THE PROMOTION AND PROTECTION OF BLACK WOMEN'S RIGHTS

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafaelle Franchini ◽  
Caio Eduardo Costa Cazelatto ◽  
Valéria Silva Galdino Cardin
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Black Feminism ◽  
The United States ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Feminist Movement ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
The Social ◽  
Victims Of Violence

This article analyzed, through bibliographic review, the social movement of feminism as an instrument of protection and promotion of black women's rights. To this end, the historical development of the feminist movement was investigated, with a focus on European countries and the United States of America, as well as the legal developments and achievements obtained by Brazilian black women from the Carta das Mulheres aos Constituintes or Letter of Women to the Constituents. It explored the fundamental rights that were claimed and achieved by the feminist movement for black women. Thus, it was found that the trajectory of black women is strongly marked by the reflexes that slavery and social marginalization have historically brought to this vulnerable segment, as it was also observed that the social movement of black feminism ended up not effectively representing the claims of black women, who, for the most part, are still related to the consequences of the period of slavery, such as low or no education, underemployment, victims of violence against women, among others.

Feminism for the Americas

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine M. Marino
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Equal Pay ◽  
Caribbean Women ◽  
Global Feminism

This book chronicles the dawn of the global movement for women’s rights in the first decades of the twentieth century. The founding mothers of this movement were not based primarily in the United States, however, or in Europe. Instead, Katherine M. Marino introduces readers to a cast of remarkable Latin American and Caribbean women whose deep friendships and intense rivalries forged global feminism out of an era of imperialism, racism, and fascism. Six dynamic activists form the heart of this story: from Brazil, Bertha Lutz; from Cuba, Ofelia Domíngez Navarro; from Uruguay, Paulina Luisi; from Panama, Clara Gonzoz; from Chile, Marta Vergara; and from the United States, Doris Stevens. This Pan-American network drove a transnational movement that advocated women’s suffrage, equal pay for equal work, maternity rights, and broader self-determination. Their painstaking efforts led to the enshrinement of women’s rights in the United Nations Charter and the development of a framework for international human rights. But their work also revealed deep divides, with Latin American activists overcoming U.S. presumptions to feminist superiority. As Marino shows, these early fractures continue to influence divisions among today’s activists along class, racial, and national lines. Marino’s multinational and multilingual research yields a new narrative for the creation of global feminism. The leading women introduced here were forerunners in understanding the power relations at the heart of international affairs. Their drive to enshrine fundamental rights for women, children, and all people of the world stands as a testament to what can be accomplished when global thinking meets local action.

Women’s Rights, Suffrage, and Citizenship, 1789–1920

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen Carol DuBois
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Progressive Era ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Early National Period ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Antebellum Politics ◽  
Early National

The United States was a pioneer in the development of women’s rights ideas and activism. Far-seeing women, determined to find an active and equal place in the nation’s political affairs, pushed long and hard to realize America’s democratic promise. Over three-quarters of a century, women’s rights and suffrage leaders steadily agitated their cause through a shifting American political landscape, from the careful innovations of the early national period, through the expansive involvements of antebellum politics, into the dramatic shifts of revolution and reaction in the post–Civil War years, up to the modernization of the Progressive Era. The meaning and content of “womanhood,” the sign under which these campaigns were conducted, also shifted. Labor, class, and especially race inclusions and exclusions were contentious dimensions of the American women’s rights movement, as they were of American liberal democracy in general.

Feminism, Pragmatism or Both? Czech Radical Nationalism and the Woman Question, 1898–1914

2002 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 537-552
Author(s):  
T. Mills Kelly
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Woman Question ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
National Society ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Proper Role ◽  
The Social

During a debate on the franchise reform bill in the Austrian Reichsrat on 12 September 1906, the Czech National Socialist Party deputy Václav Choc demanded that suffrage be extended to women as well as men. Otherwise, Choc asserted, the women of Austria would be consigned to the same status as “criminals and children.” Choc was certainly not the only Austrian parliamentarian to voice his support for votes for women during the debates on franchise reform. However, his party, the most radical of all the Czech nationalist political factions, was unique in that it not only included women's suffrage in its official program, as the Social Democrats had done a decade earlier, but also worked hard to change the political status of women in the Monarchy while the Social Democrats generally paid only lip service to this goal. Moreover, Choc and his colleagues in the National Socialist Party helped change the terms of the debate about women's rights by explicitly linking the “woman question” to the “national question” in ways entirely different from the prevailing discourse of liberalism infin-de-siècleAustria. In the last decades of the nineteenth century, liberal reformers, whether German or Czech, tried to mold the participation of women in political life to fit the liberal view of a woman's “proper” role in society. By contrast, the radical nationalists who rose to prominence in Czech political culture only after 1900, attempted to recast the debate over women's rights as central to their two-pronged discourse of social and national emancipation, while at the same time pressing for the complete democratization of Czech political life at all levels, not merely in the imperial parliament. In so doing, and with the active but often necessarily covert collaboration of women associated with the party, these radical nationalists helped extend the parameters of the debate over the place Czech women had in the larger national society.

AniLid: A. Augspurg i L. Gustava Heymann – feministki i pacyfistki z przełomu wieków jako patronki współczesnego ruchu lesbijskiego w Niemczech

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iwona Dadej
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Feminist Movement ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Introductory Paper ◽  
The Way

Lida Gustava Heymann and Anita Augspurg - activists of the first-wave radical German feminist movement - recently became the patrons of contemporary nonheterosexual women in their struggle for women's rights. This choice of patrons is not accidental: for more than 40 years, Anita and Lida Gustava constituted a community of interests, activism, and emotions. But what does this couple, which lived a century ago and never came out of the closet, have in common with the contemporary feminist and lesbian movement? Was this choice unquestionably right? It certainly forces us to ask whether the contemporary feminist-lesbian movement is a new quality or whether it continues attitudes and postulates from a hundred years ago. Augspurg's and Heyman's example (the way their memory is present in the contemporary lesbian movement) is significant. The two figures, their commitment, their influence on the women's and pacifist movement, as well as their attitude towards homosexuality constitute the main themes of this introductory paper.

Black Women and the Complexities of Internationalism

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Keisha N. Blain ◽  
Tiffany M. Gill
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Gender Analysis ◽  
Black Internationalism ◽  
Introductory Essay ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Broad Overview

This introductory essay offers a broad overview of the history and scholarship on black internationalism and examines the significance of employing a gender analysis and centering women’s ideas and activities. In so doing, it engages two central questions: (1) how was black women’s engagement in internationalism similar to or different from their male counterparts?, and (2) To what extent did black women merge internationalism with issues of women’s rights or feminist concerns? It also highlights the book’s interventions and provides a roadmap for the individual essays in the book, arranged thematically and chronologically.

Chaki Sircar, Manjusri (1934–2000) and Sircar, Ranjabati (1963–1999)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prarthana Purkayastha
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Feminist Movement ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Dance Performance ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Dance Training ◽  
Literary Sources

In early 1980s, Manjusri Chaki Sircar and her daughter, Ranjabati Sircar, coined the term Navanritya or New Dance for their methodology of dance training and choreography. The Sircars’ New Dance emerged from the Bengal region of India in a period that simultaneously witnessed a nationwide upsurge of women’s rights movements and the rise of right-wing antifeminist politics. Energized by the feminist movement, the Sircars challenged and critiqued patriarchal frameworks governing the production of dance for the modern Indian stage. They questioned, both through their dancing bodies as well as through their published work, existing conventions of dance performance such as the stereotypical representation of women in performance. They presented highly innovative and subversive dance works that provided fresh, startling, and contemporary interpretations of available literary sources and inherited dance-drama traditions.

“We’re Not Equipped”: The Paradox of Intersectional Failures in the Formation of Men’s Gender Justice Groups

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 284-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tal Peretz
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Participant Observation ◽  
Interview Study ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Gender Justice ◽  
Marginalized Communities ◽  
Men's Groups ◽  
Men’S Involvement

Men’s involvement in the antiviolence and women’s rights movements has increased in recent decades, but men’s groups still struggle to recognize difference among men. This study is based on a year-long participant observation and interview study with two gender justice groups directed toward men of marginalized communities. A third group, Men Stopping Violence (MSV), played a paradoxical role that elucidates some dynamics and difficulties of intersectional organizing: MSV’s training and resources were crucial for both groups, but MSV’s failure to organize intersectionally was as important in their formation. From these examples, I theorize three categories of ways that mainstream organizations fall short of intersectional inclusion—organizational elements that are culturally unacceptable to marginalized communities, necessary elements that are absent, and environmental comfort—and make suggestions for intersectional social movement praxis.

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