Rates of Forced Sexual Experiences Among High School Students From 2001 to 2019

Public awareness of sexual assault and initiatives aimed at preventing sexual assault continue to increase over the years. However, whether rates of sexual assault have diminished because of such cultural shifts remains unclear. The purpose of this study was to assess if rates of sexual assault (i.e., forced sex) have changed over the past 18 years for adolescent girls and boys as well as potential differences across racial/ethnic identities. Using nationally representative data from the Youth Risk Behavioral Surveillance Survey from 2001 to 2019, we conducted logistic regressions to assess rates of experiences of forced sex by sex and by sex and racial/ethnic identity, while accounting for grade level. Participants included 135,837 high school students. From 2001 to 2019, rates of forced sex maintained for girls; however, there was a decrease over time for boys. For girls, there were inconsistent differences in rates of forced sex by racial/ethnic identities. However, boys who identified as Black, Hispanic, Multi-Racial, and Other Race/Ethnicity were at higher risk to report forced sex than their White peers, until 2015; only Other Race/Ethnicity was at higher risk in 2019. As girls and boys aged, the risk of forced sex increased. Despite prevention efforts, rates of forced sex did not decrease from 2001 to 2019 for adolescent girls disregarding race/ethnicity, and for racial/ethnic minority boys. That rates of forced sex continue to be high is problematic as experiencing sexual assault at an earlier age is associated with myriad consequences. Further, results suggest current prevention initiatives may be inadequate at addressing risk factors for forced sex, and more broadly, sexual assault. Moving forward, researchers and educators may want to re-evaluate the strategies used to address and measure sexual assault experiences.

Russian-Ukrainian population of the Russian territories bordering with Ukraine: ethnocultural or transition group?

One of the new directions in ethnosociology is the study of population groups with multiple (often double) ethnic identities, which are growing quantitatively due to the spread of ethnically “mixed” marriages, migrations, etc. Among such “hybrid” ethnic groups, residents with Russian-Ukrainian identity are one of the largest bi-ethnic communities in Russia. In particular, in the Russian regions bordering with Ukraine, residents with dual Russian-Ukrainian identity make up a significant proportion of the population. Accordingly, the studies of 2017–2018 show that in Belgorod region 16 % of residents have Russian-Ukrainian ethnic identities, whereas it is 23 % in the bor-der municipalities. In this paper, the genesis and reproduction potential of a bi-ethnic Russian-Ukrainian popula-tion group at the Russian-Ukrainian borderland is discussed. The first part of the paper comprises an overview of the studies of multiethnic groups, including the Russian-Ukrainian population. The second part is based on em-pirical ethnosociological research conducted by the author and is devoted to finding the answer to the question: “Is the population with the double Russian-Ukrainian identity an independent, permanently existing ethnocultural community or a transitional group that temporarily emerged in the process of assimilation of the Ukrainians in Russia?”. Sociological data indicate that this group of population should be considered as a separate, perma-nently existing ethno-cultural community, and not a temporary, transitional group in the process of assimilation of the Ukrainians in Russia. In favor of the former speaks the fact that the population with the double Russian-Ukrainian identity consists mainly of autochthonous people, with a balanced age composition, who inherited bi-ethnicity by their “mixed” origin, rather than by assimilation. In the respondents in this group, endogenous factors of the formation of ethnic identity are dominant; they feel an inextricable ethnic connection with the population of the neighboring Ukrainian regions. At the same time, members of the Russian-Ukrainian ethnocultural group are predominantly pessimistic about possibility of inheriting their double identity by future generations.

Savoring Authenticity: Food Consumption and Nostalgia in Japan

The Japanese culinary tradition and contemporary food-related values are often characterised by an emotional and evocative tone that can be traced back to nostalgia, a global multidimensional phenomenon that blends cultural anxieties, sentimental values and sense of place. The desire to remember home through food consumption, as a valuable way of approaching the past, enables the construction or redefinition of ethnic identities, cultural boundaries and a sense of uniqueness. This paper offers some introductory reflections on present-day practices and affective aspects related to Japanese food culture from the point of view of their symbolic meaning in media narratives.

Review of Ethnic Identities in the Land of the Pharaohs

Uroš Matić, Ethnic Identities in the Land of the Pharaohs. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Elements in Ancient Egypt in Context 2. ISBN 978-1108885577. 82 pp. with B&W and colour images. $20 Paperback; $16 eBook.

A MYNACH BY ANY OTHER NAME . . . : THE ANTHROPONYMY OF THE WELSH CISTERCIANS, c.1300–1540

This paper analyses the forenames and 'surnames' of over 600 monks associated with Cistercian abbeys in Wales between c .1300 and c.1540 in an attempt to determine what these names can reveal about the ethnic identities or identifications of their individual bearers and of their respective houses. The names are compared with those of white monks and other religious in England during the same period, as well as with naming patterns among the laity of contemporary Wales and England. The names of the brethren at different monasteries could vary significantly, and it is argued that this was a result partly of the stronger Welsh identity of the monks at certain Cistercian houses, but was also because the practice of adopting 'monastic bynames' – common at monasteries in late medieval England – was followed at some Welsh abbeys but not all.

glocal

The term GLOCAL that appeared only thirty years ago and was taken by us as the theme of this issue, is internally contradictory. The global, relating to the globe as a whole, looks like the opposite to the local, partial. Our paradoxical time, however, fills the term with actual meaning. Humanity is united in a common information space, and none of the corners of the Earth can ignore universal human processes and trends anymore. Globality threatens to erase all local differences, unify and average everything and everyone. Against this background, there is an escalating struggle for vivid and unique local national, cultural and ethnic identities, which can be compared with a tree breaking through the asphalt... The pandemic, which has gripped the world, divides people strictly and sets up many borders and walls. But it also unites them, demonstrating the widest range of local options for responding to a deadly threat.The articles from the theoretical section of this issue are devoted to the analysis of the concept of "glocality".

To What Extent Did Assumptions About Local Ethnic Identities, Fostered Amongst UN Officials During the Bosnia Mission, Frame Their Policies for the Kosovo Mission?

<p>This thesis focuses on the role of an international actor - United Nations (UN) - and its missions in Bosnia and Herzegovina (UNMBiH) during 1992-1995 and Kosovo (UNMIK) in the post war conflict period of peace building. It scrutinizes the tenor of UN peace building missions in these territories by analysing the scope of the policies introduced and the effectiveness (or ineffectiveness) of the international actors' activities during the times of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) before the conflict in Kosovo and Metohija (KiM); and the current situation in these two territories. The thesis will also argue that the ethnic identities played a critical role in relation building between the UN and ethnic groups, where the one ethnic group (Serbs) was recognised as a crucial factor for the conflict's escalation and development. A further focus in this thesis is not only to provide constructive discussion of the ineffectiveness of policies and missions introduced by International Actors (IA) but also to challenge the UN and IA's decision for non-intervention in BiH and to address the consequence of subsequent humanitarian-military intervention in KiM. This paper outlines an analysis of the lack of literature relating to the historical-sociological perspective of the ethnic groups' in BiH. The lack of understanding of the complex relationships among the ethnicities is an additional gap. This is exacerbated by the lack of understanding of the complex relationships among the ethnicities, within itself, as well as the differences among the groups within each ethnic group. It appears that the literature is unable to acknowledge the structural formation of societies in BiH, and to make proper segmentation in understanding the particular group of people (Rex, 2001) as a collection of peoples with different sociological characteristics combined into something called 'ethnicity'. The handicap of such literature leads to the categorisation and generalisation of ethnicities; not at one particular area of an ethnic group's presence but to the generalisation of the peoples' ethnicities (all Serbs are barbarous, similar to the Germans after WWII). This paper argues that such generalisations developed the notion that the particular ethnic group (Serbs) has an 'evil' character, regardless of the territorial occupation (Bosnia as well as Serbia and Diaspora). In addition, the lack of recognising Serbs as a people composed of different individual (local) ethnic groups led to the global generalisation about Serbs. And yet, such generalisations, by the modern western actors, i.e. UN, EU (European Union) and USA (United States of America), led to the employment of negative assumptions about the Serbs which served as a tool for, and added impetus to, the implementation of a strategy to achieve the Western objectives of the devaluation of Serbian dominance in Bosnia and across the Balkan Peninsula. Therefore the quality of literature, in addressing the questions about the conflict in BiH and later KiM, beside its attempts to offer some sustainable answers, remains inadequate and poor. This unsubstantiated position, offered by many involved in former-Yugoslavian conflict discussions, to offer an informed conclusion, persists as a never-ending debate. Yet, the discourse about the guilty factor in BiH and KiM remains in the shape of the 'evil' Serbian nation.</p>

To What Extent Did Assumptions About Local Ethnic Identities, Fostered Amongst UN Officials During the Bosnia Mission, Frame Their Policies for the Kosovo Mission?

<p>This thesis focuses on the role of an international actor - United Nations (UN) - and its missions in Bosnia and Herzegovina (UNMBiH) during 1992-1995 and Kosovo (UNMIK) in the post war conflict period of peace building. It scrutinizes the tenor of UN peace building missions in these territories by analysing the scope of the policies introduced and the effectiveness (or ineffectiveness) of the international actors' activities during the times of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) before the conflict in Kosovo and Metohija (KiM); and the current situation in these two territories. The thesis will also argue that the ethnic identities played a critical role in relation building between the UN and ethnic groups, where the one ethnic group (Serbs) was recognised as a crucial factor for the conflict's escalation and development. A further focus in this thesis is not only to provide constructive discussion of the ineffectiveness of policies and missions introduced by International Actors (IA) but also to challenge the UN and IA's decision for non-intervention in BiH and to address the consequence of subsequent humanitarian-military intervention in KiM. This paper outlines an analysis of the lack of literature relating to the historical-sociological perspective of the ethnic groups' in BiH. The lack of understanding of the complex relationships among the ethnicities is an additional gap. This is exacerbated by the lack of understanding of the complex relationships among the ethnicities, within itself, as well as the differences among the groups within each ethnic group. It appears that the literature is unable to acknowledge the structural formation of societies in BiH, and to make proper segmentation in understanding the particular group of people (Rex, 2001) as a collection of peoples with different sociological characteristics combined into something called 'ethnicity'. The handicap of such literature leads to the categorisation and generalisation of ethnicities; not at one particular area of an ethnic group's presence but to the generalisation of the peoples' ethnicities (all Serbs are barbarous, similar to the Germans after WWII). This paper argues that such generalisations developed the notion that the particular ethnic group (Serbs) has an 'evil' character, regardless of the territorial occupation (Bosnia as well as Serbia and Diaspora). In addition, the lack of recognising Serbs as a people composed of different individual (local) ethnic groups led to the global generalisation about Serbs. And yet, such generalisations, by the modern western actors, i.e. UN, EU (European Union) and USA (United States of America), led to the employment of negative assumptions about the Serbs which served as a tool for, and added impetus to, the implementation of a strategy to achieve the Western objectives of the devaluation of Serbian dominance in Bosnia and across the Balkan Peninsula. Therefore the quality of literature, in addressing the questions about the conflict in BiH and later KiM, beside its attempts to offer some sustainable answers, remains inadequate and poor. This unsubstantiated position, offered by many involved in former-Yugoslavian conflict discussions, to offer an informed conclusion, persists as a never-ending debate. Yet, the discourse about the guilty factor in BiH and KiM remains in the shape of the 'evil' Serbian nation.</p>