international support
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2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 50-67
Author(s):  
R. D. Crews

This paper examines the Taliban vision of an Islamic polity posing a challenge to neighboring Central and South Asian states as well as more distant ones in Eurasia and the Middle East. As a potential magnet for militants across these regions, Taliban Islam represents an alternative to forms of piety and legal practice in states that have signifi cant Muslim populations and where each government claims some degree of religious legitimation and control over Islamic authority and interpretation. Author claims the Taliban ideology poses a dilemma to regional actors, too, in that it makes all parties who might cooperate with the movement vulnerable to criticism based on human rights discourse. At the same time, the presence of the Islamic State – Khorasan Province (ISKP) has permitted the movement the opportunity to seek to reframe its international standing and its relationship to violence. The Taliban have adapted their critique of ISKP to the claim that they share a counterterrorism mission with other governments, an assertion that allows the movement and its partners to defl ect criticism from various quarters and normalize relations with other states. Author concludes that, seeking international support, the Taliban have adapted their ideological claims to position the movement simultaneously as a competitor to other visions of militant jihadist politics and as a counterterrorist force laying the groundwork for the legitimation of their place in a rapidly evolving global order.


Author(s):  
Karina Mross ◽  
Charlotte Fiedler ◽  
Jörn Grävingholt

Abstract This article provides new evidence on how the international community can effectively foster peace after civil war. It expands the current literature's narrow focus on either peacekeeping or aggregated aid flows, adopting a comprehensive, yet disaggregated, view on international peacebuilding efforts. We distinguish five areas of peacebuilding support (peacekeeping, nonmilitary security support, support for politics and governance, for socioeconomic development, and for societal conflict transformation) and analyze which types or combinations are particularly effective and in which context. Applying configurational analysis (qualitative comparative analysis) to all thirty-six post-civil war peace episodes between 1990 and 2014, we find that (1) peacekeeping is only one important component of effective post-conflict support, (2) the largest share of peaceful cases can be explained by support for politics and governance, (3) only combined international efforts across all types of support can address difficult contexts, and (4) countries neglected by the international community are highly prone to experiencing conflict recurrence. Three case studies shed light on underlying causal mechanisms.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuting Xie ◽  
Emily Kraeck

Using methods including analyzing firsthand testimonies, images, and secondary sources, this paper explores the multiple factors that resulted in the silence of Chinese comfort women survivors in both wartime and the postwar period: shame culture, patrichy, and lack of political and cultural support for comfort women. Due to both patriarchy and related shame culture and a lack of political, cultural, and international support for survivors, few Chinese women spoke up about their experience within the comfort women system prior to the redress movement beginning in 1991; in the 1990s, societal and government support for comfort women increased, leading many comfort women to not only share their experiences but seek justice in the process. To begin, this paper provides an overview of essential historical context, including Japanese colonialism, the establishment of “comfort women” systems, Chinese comfort womens’ suffering, and the post-war struggles and ongoing plight of victims and survivors. Next, this paper argues that due to shame, culture and patriarchy; the lack of political, cultural, and international support for comfort women; and the mental and physical trauma that they experienced, comfort women survivors refused to speak up or seek justice for decades during and after World War II. Finally, this paper investigates key differences between the Cultural Revolution and redress movement, analyzing why comfort women spoke out during the latter period but largely remained silent during the postwar period from 1945 to 1990. 


Significance Political uncertainty stemming from unresolved local elections and the arrest of former President Mikheil Saakashvili have created new risks to the international support that Georgia has enjoyed over two decades. Long-term development plans continue to emphasise the expansion of tourism and trade, and transport links. Impacts The economy ministry is confident that GDP is now above 2019 levels. Dependence on foreign financing and high dollarisation levels remain sources of vulnerability, mitigated by ongoing capital markets reform. Future fiscal tightening coupled with infrastructure development plans will emphasise the need for efficiency.


2021 ◽  
pp. 079160352110461
Author(s):  
Liam Coakley

The Government of Ireland has published its plan to reorder the infrastructure it uses to accommodate and support migrants seeking International Protection (IP) in Ireland. This policy document - entitled The White Paper to End Direct Provision and Establish a New International Support Service - was published on 26th February, 2021. The White Paper proposes to replace Ireland's current but discredited system with a new IP accommodation and support process – to be entitled Ireland's International Protection Support Service. This new system is intended to “treat all applicants to the process with dignity and respect” (Government of Ireland, 2021: 7). Dissonances exist, however. The discursive framing of the IPSS and the spatialities inherent in the proposals suggest a potential rearticulation of state control rather that a diminution of same. I turn to the work of scholars inspired by Giorgio Agamben to help situate the spatialities of this shift, and suggest that the current ‘white paper’ should simply be seen as a mechanism deployed the Government of Ireland to ensure that its bio-political command and control processes can migrate from the spatially-defined set of control environments currently in effect to a diffuse construction of a spatially networked series of deterritorialised indistinctions.


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