Building Transversal Solidarities in European Cities: Open Harbours, Safe Communities, Home

Over the past years, we have seen a rise in political mobilisations in EUrope and elsewhere, by and in solidarity with migrant newcomers. This article focuses on specific examples of what we conceptualise as transversal solidarities by and with migrants, and rooted in the city, the focus of this special issue. The examples we explore in this article include: Trampoline House, a civil society organisation which provides a home to migrant newcomers in Copenhagen; Queer Base, an activist organisation in Vienna providing support for LGBTIQ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex and Queer) migrants; and finally, the Palermo Charter Process, a coalition of diverse groups seeking to create open harbours and ‘corridors of solidarity’, from the Mediterranean to cities throughout EUrope. While these examples are situated in and across different urban spaces, they share a common grounding in building solidarity through spaces of encounters related to ideas of home, community, and harbour. By exploring these distinct solidarity initiatives in tandem, we examine, on the one hand, how the production of spaces of encounters is linked to building transversal solidarities and, on the other, how transversal solidarities also connect different spaces of solidarity across different political scales.

West Africa's Fulanis face mounting pressures

Subject Problems facing Fulani communities in the Sahel. Significance In July, the Northern Elders' Forum of Nigeria, a prominent civil society organisation, called for Fulani herders to leave southern Nigeria and return to their historical homelands in the north, reflecting a sense among some northerners that the south has become too dangerous for the Fulani ethnic group. Amid a marked increase in jihadist violence in Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger and Nigeria since the early 2010s, the Fulani have found themselves targets of widespread ethnic profiling and even collective punishment. Impacts Tensions surrounding the Fulani in Mali are spreading into Burkina Faso and Niger as community members feel stigmatised more generally. Government will find it difficult to disarm former partner militias, such as the ethnic Dogon militia Dan Na Ambassagou in Mali. Respect for human rights would help stem radical recruitment among young Fulanis.

Odebrecht scandal may hit Dominican government hard

Subject Corruption investigations in the Dominican Republic. Significance On March 26, major protests took place in the Dominican Republic to demand government action against corruption, specifically corruption linked to bribes paid by Brazilian construction firm Odebrecht. The march was organised by Marcha Verde -- a new civil society organisation, created to act as an anti-corruption pressure group. A series of marches in recent months indicates growing popular dissatisfaction with the government’s response to the Odebrecht scandal, which is set to undermine the popularity of President Danilo Medina’s administration. Impacts With elections not due until 2020, Medina may feel he has time to ride out the scandal and regain popular support. The government will nevertheless accelerate investigations in response to the protests and to boost its international anti-corruption image. Anti-money-laundering legislation is being considered by the legislature to strengthen the country’s counter-crime framework.

Enter the Troika: The Politics of Social Security during Ireland's Bailout

This paper examines the influence of the Troika on the retrenchment and reform of social security in Ireland during its bailout between 2010 and 2013. To do this, it draws on data from in-depth interviews with senior civil servants and civil society organisation staff who met with the Troika as part of their quarterly missions to Ireland during this period. The key themes which emerged from these interviews include the largely domestic origins of social security retrenchment and reform; the surprising, and distinctive, positions adopted by the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund (IMF); the extent of the Irish government's room for manoeuvre in this area, and the ways in which the Irish government defended social security against proposals for additional cuts put forward by the Troika. The paper concludes by arguing that the scope for domestic decision-making was heavily constrained, yet non-trivial, and that the Troika's influence comprised not only ‘powering’ but also ‘persuasion’.