scholarly journals Does Foreign Aid Make a Difference? A Critique from a Civil Society Organisation in Lesotho

Author(s):  
Johnson Lineo

Subject Corruption investigations in the Dominican Republic. Significance On March 26, major protests took place in the Dominican Republic to demand government action against corruption, specifically corruption linked to bribes paid by Brazilian construction firm Odebrecht. The march was organised by Marcha Verde -- a new civil society organisation, created to act as an anti-corruption pressure group. A series of marches in recent months indicates growing popular dissatisfaction with the government’s response to the Odebrecht scandal, which is set to undermine the popularity of President Danilo Medina’s administration. Impacts With elections not due until 2020, Medina may feel he has time to ride out the scandal and regain popular support. The government will nevertheless accelerate investigations in response to the protests and to boost its international anti-corruption image. Anti-money-laundering legislation is being considered by the legislature to strengthen the country’s counter-crime framework.


Ekonomika ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 89 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-43
Author(s):  
Mirjana Kranjac ◽  
Rado Maksimović ◽  
Uroš Sikimić

During the process of enlargement, the European Union established a mechanism to develop institutions and to support transition process in the EU, through financial help, for potential candidates and candidate countries. This foreign aid is operating throughout different EU funds. The instrument for the pre-accession assistance (IPA) has replaced all other financial funds for the budget period 2007–2013. The aim of this article is to give suggestions for a more efficient use of IPA funds. The article presents a case of Serbia by showing the empirical results from a questionnaire survey of 108 organizations evaluating a range of issues. A model of IPA funds’ use has been created. Risk points have been determined and divided into three groups: informing of potential beneficiaries, their education, and assistance in the realization of all project phases. Improvement could be achieved through the implementation of a new idea for setting up “project centres” which would support the process. Thus, civil society would be involved into the monitoring system.


Subject Problems facing Fulani communities in the Sahel. Significance In July, the Northern Elders' Forum of Nigeria, a prominent civil society organisation, called for Fulani herders to leave southern Nigeria and return to their historical homelands in the north, reflecting a sense among some northerners that the south has become too dangerous for the Fulani ethnic group. Amid a marked increase in jihadist violence in Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger and Nigeria since the early 2010s, the Fulani have found themselves targets of widespread ethnic profiling and even collective punishment. Impacts Tensions surrounding the Fulani in Mali are spreading into Burkina Faso and Niger as community members feel stigmatised more generally. Government will find it difficult to disarm former partner militias, such as the ethnic Dogon militia Dan Na Ambassagou in Mali. Respect for human rights would help stem radical recruitment among young Fulanis.


Subject Gender costs of the pandemic. Significance COVID-19 emergency measures such as lockdowns and school closures have placed a disproportionate burden on women. Recovery efforts are becoming gender-sensitive in some, but by no means all, countries. Impacts Women are less likely than men to benefit from remote working options. Reproductive health services are likely to be doubly hit by an expected drop in foreign aid post-crisis. Civil society pressure will rise for more gender-representative health crisis management at the national and international levels.


2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 1087-1088
Author(s):  
Juliet Johnson

Building Democracy in Contemporary Russia: Western Support for Grassroots Organizations, Sarah L. Henderson, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003, pp. xii, 229.In this well-researched and provocative book, Sarah Henderson asks to what extent Western aid can facilitate the emergence of civil society in countries where civil society is domestically weak. Through an in-depth study of Western aid to Russian women's organizations, she argues that foreign assistance has dramatically affected NGO development in Russia, but not always in expected or positive ways. On the one hand, she finds that external funding “made a tremendous difference in improving and increasing the short-term financial viability, organizational capacity, and networking skills among recipient groups” (9). On the other, she argues that foreign aid contributed to at least four pathological developments within the NGO community. First, funded groups tended to copy the aid agencies' top-heavy and bureaucratic organizational structures. Second, funded groups lacked grassroots constituencies because they shifted their policy agendas to reflect aid agencies' preferences rather than objective domestic needs. Third, foreign aid encouraged the development of a “civic elite” among the domestic NGO community, exacerbating the differences between those groups that received funding and those that did not. Finally, the competition for foreign aid dollars encouraged uncooperative behaviour among funded Russian NGOs rather than bridge building and information sharing. She argues that these problematic unintended consequences were the result of avoidable mistakes in the foreign aid process, and states bluntly that “NGO development is not synonymous with civil society development, and the development of one does not necessarily imply the advancement of the other” (11).


2017 ◽  
Vol 62 (8) ◽  
pp. 1607-1635 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burcu Savun ◽  
Daniel C. Tirone

Is foreign aid effective in reducing terrorism? The existing evidence is mostly negative. We argue that this pessimistic outlook on the efficacy of aid as a counterterrorism tool is partly a function of focusing on only one type of aid: economic aid. Governance and civil society aid can dampen the participation in and support for terrorism by altering the political conditions of a country. We expect countries that receive high levels of governance and civil society aid to experience fewer domestic terrorist incidents than countries that receive little or none. Using a sample of aid eligible countries for the period from 1997 to 2010, we find that governance and civil society aid is effective in dampening domestic terrorism, but this effect is only present if the recipient country is not experiencing a civil conflict. Our findings provide support for the continued use of democracy aid as a counterterrorism tool.


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