Ada Aksara di Antara Angka dan Bulatan Itu: Sakala Dihyang dan Upaya Penafsirannya

Sakala Dihyang is a kind of chronogram that considered as puzzle in the Merapi-Merbabu manuscript collection. This article purposes to discuss the issue about how to interpret this kinds, especially through the list of the numbers, alphabets, and circles combination that found in the manuscript 6 L 107 (folio 25r) and ms. 14 L 290 (folio 16v). The amalgamation of numbers and circles in sakala dihyang constructs the series of—preciselly four—disyllabic words, arranged in aṅkānāṃ vāmato gatiḥ principles, the writing moves from right to left, and every disyllabic words represents a specific number. Sakala Dihyangis similar to sakala milir (in Javanese: sěngkalan lamba), a kind of chronogram used bhūtasaṃkhya system, but it uses the implicit expression. The interpretation to sakal dihyang can assisted by other chorongram (mělok, milir, dan koci) that are used in the same discourse simultaneouslly. The kakawin contains the list of words used in chronogram, i.e. Candrabhūmi, is also functioned in the interpretation process. The arranging pattern of disyllabic word structureused in sakala dihyang is also become obstruction in its interpretation process—especially when it compares to Candrabhūmi. Because of disyllabic structure is the necessity in sakala dihyang composition, conversely the words in candrabhūmi list do not always shave disyllabic structure, and so its modification pattern is also discussed in this article.

The Prosody of Two-Syllable Words in French-Speaking Monolingual and Bilingual Children: A Focus on Initial Accent and Final Accent

This study examined the acoustic characteristics of disyllabic words produced by French-speaking monolingual and bilingual children, aged 2;6 to 6;10, and by adults. Specifically, it investigated the influence of age, bilingualism, and vocabulary on final-to-initial syllable duration ratios and on the presence of initial and final accent. Children and adults took part in a word-naming task in which they produced a controlled set of disyllabic words. Duration and maximum pitch were measured for each syllable of the disyllabic word and these values were inserted into mixed-effects statistical models. Results indicated that children as young as 2;6 obtained final-to-initial syllable duration ratios similar to those of adults. Young children realized accent on the initial syllable more often and accent on the final syllable less often than older children and adults. There was no influence of bilingualism on the duration and pitch characteristics of disyllabic words. Children aged 2;6 with smaller vocabularies produced initial accent more often than children with large vocabularies. Our findings suggest that early word productions are constrained by developmental tendencies favouring falling pitch across an utterance.

The Relative Weight of Temporal Envelope Cues in Different Frequency Regions for Mandarin Disyllabic Word Recognition

ObjectivesAcoustic temporal envelope (E) cues containing speech information are distributed across all frequency spectra. To provide a theoretical basis for the signal coding of hearing devices, we examined the relative weight of E cues in different frequency regions for Mandarin disyllabic word recognition in quiet.DesignE cues were extracted from 30 continuous frequency bands within the range of 80 to 7,562 Hz using Hilbert decomposition and assigned to five frequency regions from low to high. Disyllabic word recognition of 20 normal-hearing participants were obtained using the E cues available in two, three, or four frequency regions. The relative weights of the five frequency regions were calculated using least-squares approach.ResultsParticipants correctly identified 3.13–38.13%, 27.50–83.13%, or 75.00–93.13% of words when presented with two, three, or four frequency regions, respectively. Increasing the number of frequency region combinations improved recognition scores and decreased the magnitude of the differences in scores between combinations. This suggested a synergistic effect among E cues from different frequency regions. The mean weights of E cues of frequency regions 1–5 were 0.31, 0.19, 0.26, 0.22, and 0.02, respectively.ConclusionFor Mandarin disyllabic words, E cues of frequency regions 1 (80–502 Hz) and 3 (1,022–1,913 Hz) contributed more to word recognition than other regions, while frequency region 5 (3,856–7,562) contributed little.

EVEN IN THE BEST-CASE SCENARIO L2 LEARNERS HAVE PERSISTENT DIFFICULTY PERCEIVING AND UTILIZING TONES IN MANDARIN

Lexical tones are widely believed to be a formidable learning challenge for adult speakers of nontonal languages. While difficulties—as well as rapid improvements—are well documented for beginning second language (L2) learners, research with more advanced learners is needed to understand how tone perception difficulties impact word recognition once learners have a substantial vocabulary. The present study narrows in on difficulties suggested in previous work, which found a dissociation in advanced L2 learners between highly accurate tone identification and largely inaccurate lexical decision for tone words. We investigate a “best-case scenario” for advanced L2 tone word processing by testing performance in nearly ideal listening conditions—with words spoken clearly and in isolation. Under such conditions, do learners still have difficulty in lexical decision for tone words? If so, is it driven by the quality of lexical representations or by L2 processing routines? Advanced L2 and native Chinese listeners made lexical decisions while an electroencephalogram was recorded. Nonwords had a first syllable with either a vowel or tone that differed from that of a common disyllabic word. As a group, L2 learners performed less accurately when tones were manipulated than when vowels were manipulated. Subsequent analyses showed that this was the case even in the subset of items for which learners showed correct and confident tone identification in an offline written vocabulary test. Event-related potential results indicated N400 effects for both nonword conditions in L1, but only vowel N400 effects in L2, with tone responses intermediate between those of real words and vowel nonwords. These results are evidence of the persistent difficulty most L2 learners have in using tones for online word recognition, and indicate it is driven by a confluence of factors related to both L2 lexical representations and processing routines. We suggest that this tone nonword difficulty has real-world implications for learners: It may result in many toneless word representations in their mental lexicons, and is likely to affect the efficiency with which they can learn new tone words.

When blue is a disyllabic word: Perceptual epenthesis in the mental lexicon of second language learners

Word-initial obstruent-liquid clusters, frequent in English (e.g., blue), are prohibited in Korean. Korean learners of English perceptually repair illicit word-initial consonant sequences with an epenthetic vowel [ʊ]. Thus they might perceive blue as b[ʊ]lue, and, at least initially, also represent it lexically as a disyllabic word. We ask whether the sound sequences permitted in one's L1 influence the way L2 words are represented in the mental lexicon. If they do, we predict that in a lexical decision task, Korean learners will accept nonwords containing epenthetic vowels ([bʊˈluː] for blue) as real English words more often than English listeners. These predictions were confirmed: we observed high error rates on test nonwords ([bʊˈluː]) by the Korean participants only, accompanied by few errors on control nonwords ([bɪˈluː]), suggesting that learners’ lexical representations for familiar L2 words can be activated by nonwords that obey their L1 phonotactic grammar.

Multi-verb constructions in Old Chinese and Middle Chinese

Multiple verb constructions have been studied intensively in Chinese. However, given the typological differences between the Indo-European languages and Chinese, it is no surprise that the application of a ‘Western’ notion, namely ‘serial verb construction’ (SVC), has caused much debate. This study provides a working definition of ‘SVC’ in Old Chinese and then turns to diachronic issues, for example, the combinatorial possibilities of multiple verbs in Old Chinese, pre-Middle Chinese, and Middle Chinese, clarifying which kind of complex constructions may be regarded as verb serialising and which as verb compounding. With this in place, the study approaches an understanding of the evolution of multiple verb formations in Chinese. The finding reveals that multiple verbs in Old Chinese are combined via verb serialisation. Six combinatorial possibilities are confirmed: (a) unergative V + unergative V; (b) transitive V + unaccusative V; (c) unaccusative V + unaccusative V (change of state); (d) unergative V + unaccusative V; (e) transitive V + transitive V; (f) unaccusative V + unaccusative V (motion). These can be further classified into two groups: Group I: (a)–(d) are successive SVCs; Group II: (e)–(f) are coordinate SVCs. In pre-Middle Chinese, there are signs of verb compounding. The occurrence of disyllabic word roots in the Early Han Dynasty as well as (de)grammaticalisation may be responsible for this. In Middle Chinese, the grammaticalisation of transitive change-of-state verbs, and the degrammaticalisation of motion verbs, led to three different lexical categories: (a) partial intransitive change-of-state verbs turned into resultative complements (resulting in [transitive V + unaccusative V] SVC transiting into predicate-complement V-V (change-of-state)); (b) partial motion verbs degrammaticalised and turned into directional complements (resulting in [unergative V + unaccusative V] SVC transiting into predicate-complement V-V (motion)); and (c) the first verb in [coordinate SVC] receives preverbalisation (giving rise to modifier-predicate V-V).

A Matrixed Speech-in-Noise Test to Discriminate Favorable Listening Conditions by Means of Intelligibility and Response Time Results

Purpose The primary aim of this study was to develop and examine the potentials of a new speech-in-noise test in discriminating the favorable listening conditions targeted in the acoustical design of communication spaces. The test is based on the recognition and recall of disyllabic word sequences. A secondary aim was to compare the test with current speech-in-noise tests, assessing its benefits and limitations. Method Young adults (19–40 years old), self-reporting normal hearing, were presented with the newly developed Words Sequence Test (WST; 16 participants, Experiment 1) and with a consonant confusion test and a sentence recognition test (Experiment 2, 36 participants randomly assigned to the 2 tests). Participants performing the WST were presented with word sequences of different lengths (from 2 up to 6 words). Two listening conditions were selected: (a) no noise and no reverberation, and (b) reverberant, steady-state noise (Speech Transmission Index: 0.47). The tests were presented in a closed-set format; data on the number of words correctly recognized (speech intelligibility, IS) and the response times (RTs) were collected (onset RT, single words' RT). Results It was found that a sequence composed of 4 disyllabic words ensured both the full recognition score in quiet conditions and a significant decrease in IS results when noise and reverberation degraded the speech signal. RTs increased with the worsening of the listening conditions and the number of words of the sequence. The greatest onset RT variation was found when using a sequence of 4 words. In the comparison with current speech-in-noise tests, it was found that the WST maximized the IS difference between the selected listening conditions as well as the RT increase. Conclusions Overall, the results suggest that the new speech-in-noise test has good potentials in discriminating conditions with near-ceiling accuracy. As compared with current speech-in-noise tests, it appears that the WST with a 4-word sequence allows for a finer mapping of the acoustical design target conditions of public spaces through accuracy and onset RT data.