The Global State of Democracy Indices Technical Procedures Guides, Version 5 (2021)

The Global State of Democracy is a biennial report that aims to provide policymakers with an evidence-based analysis of the state of global democracy, supported by the Global State of Democracy (GSoD) Indices, in order to inform policy interventions and identify problem-solving approaches to trends affecting the quality of democracy around the world. The third edition of the report provides analyses of the current trends in democracy and human rights at the national, regional, and global levels, with special attention to the effects of the Covid-19 pandemic. This document presents revised and updated information about all the variables included in the GSoD indices data set that enabled the construction of Version 5 of the GSoD Indices, which depicts democratic trends at the country, regional and global levels across a broad range of different attributes of democracy in the period 1975–2020. The data underlying the GSoD Indices is based on a total of 116 indicators developed by various scholars and organizations using different types of source, including expert surveys, standards-based coding by research groups and analysts, observational data and composite measures.

The Global State of Democracy Indices Methodology, Conceptualization and Measurement Framework, Version 5 (2021)

The Global State of Democracy is a biennial report that aims to provide policymakers with an evidence-based analysis of the state of global democracy, supported by the Global State of Democracy (GSoD) Indices, in order to inform policy interventions and identify problem-solving approaches to trends affecting the quality of democracy around the world. This document revises and updates the conceptual and measurement framework that guided the construction of Version 5 of the GSoD Indices, which depicts democratic trends at the country, regional and global levels across a broad range of different attributes of democracy in the period 1975–2020. The data underlying the GSoD Indices is based on a total of 116 indicators developed by various scholars and organizations using different types of source, including expert surveys, standards-based coding by research groups and analysts, observational data and composite measures.

The Global State of Democracy Indices Codebook, Version 5 (2021)

The Global State of Democracy is a biennial report that aims to provide policymakers with an evidence-based analysis of the state of global democracy, supported by the Global State of Democracy Indices (GSoD Indices), in order to inform policy interventions and identify problem-solving approaches to trends affecting the quality of democracy around the world. This document presents revised and updated information about all the variables included in the GSoD indices data set that enabled the construction of Version 5 of the GSoD Indices, which depicts democratic trends at the country, regional and global levels across a broad range of different attributes of democracy in the period 1975–2020. The data underlying the GSoD Indices is based on a total of 116 indicators developed by various scholars and organizations using different types of source, including expert surveys, standards-based coding by research groups and analysts, observational data and composite measures.

From Competition to Competitive Cooperation: New Paradigm for Territories Development

The modern economic space demonstrates, on the one hand, the intensifying competitive struggle of various territorial entities for natural and financial resources, investments and business, for the population, qualified personnel, tourists, etc. On the other hand, the process of formation of competitive cooperation of territories, which does not exclude competition, and complements it, acting as a driving force for the development of the economy of regions and municipalities. The authors in the study assessed the current level and prospects of territorial competition, clarified the goals of competition of regions and municipalities. Consideration of the territory as a subject of competition is explained by the fact that the regions acquire the quality of a mega- enterprise. The potential of cooperation between the territories in the modern competitive economy is revealed. In modern Russia, competitive cooperation between territories is still very rare. A number of features of the evolution of competitive cooperation of territories are revealed: cooperation is specifically limited in time; any cooperation is inherent in risk; its formation and implementation always involve certain financial, intellectual, labor and other costs. The results of expert surveys conducted by the authors in 2007, 2010, 2013, 2016 and in 2019 made it possible to highlight positive and negative results, as well as the consequences of interregional and intermunicipal cooperation in a competitive economy. An assessment of the readiness of territories (regions, municipalities) for cooperation is given. The paper draws attention to the fact that the regions and municipalities of Russia have different economic potentials, differ in the volume and specificity of resources, have features of spatial position, etc., which determines the possibilities for the development of their competitive cooperation. In the process of research, general scientific methods were used, in particular the dialectical method, the unity of the historical and logical, abstractions, analogies, expert surveys, etc. The results of the study can be used in the development and implementation of strategies for the socio-economic development of regions and municipalities in the modern competitive economic space.

Non-Structural Flood Management in European Rural Mountain Areas—Are Scientists Supporting Implementation?

Mountain areas are highly exposed to flood risks. The latter are increasing in the context of climate change, urbanization, and land use changes. Non-structural approaches such as nature-based solutions can provide opportunities to reduce the risks of such natural hazards and provide further ecological, social, and economic benefits. However, few non-structural flood mitigation measures are implemented in rural mountain areas so far. The objective of this paper is to investigate if the scientific boundaries limit the implementation of non-structural flood management in rural mountain areas. In the study, we statistically analyzed the knowledge about flood management through a systematic literature review and expert surveys, with a focus on European rural mountain areas. Both methods showed that scientific knowledge is available for decision makers and that nature-based solutions are efficient, cost-effective, multifunctional, and have potential for large-scale implementation.

The Politics of ‘Collective Putin’ and Patronage Personalization

This chapter examines the patronage pillar of regime personalisation, determined by the strength of the ruler's patronage network, “Collective Putin.” It charts how Vladimir Putin's patron-client network developed and acquired control across institutions. It introduces original data on patron-client networks in Russia and maps these networks over time. Based on expert surveys of policy influence, it further explains how Putin's patron-client network has grown in dominance over time. The chapter finds that the path toward personalisation in Russia centred on the relatively swift acquisition of control over security and enforcement institutions, but a much more gradual penetration of other institutions by the ruler's network. It also finds that within the ranks of the Russian ruling coalition, this network emerges as dominant in early 2007, which also permitted Vladimir Putin to govern the regime from the subordinate position of prime minister from 2008--12. The patron-client network had further consolidated in strength and scope by 2012. Furthermore, Putin's return to presidential office, which coincided with the strengthening of personalisation on other pillars, made him largely autonomous from his own coalition. As the Russian leader has remained unchallenged in office for a considerable period of time, loyalty to the ruler no longer depended on whether officials had personal ties and belonged to the ruler's patronage network. Instead, loyalty came to be determined by the logic of a personalist system so that all officials regarded the ruler as their overall patron.

Territorial Distribution of Maritime Symbols in Public Spaces of Klaipėda City

The geographical location of Klaipeda city determined that a suitable space for the formation of maritime culture was created here. There are a number of exceptional objects of small and large architecture in the public spaces of the city, some of which are related to the sea. However, it must be stated that the city still lacks objects that glorify famous personalities who have contributed to the fostering of maritime culture and the promotion of Lithuania as a maritime country. Methods used in the research: observation, object photography, cartographic, expert surveys. The study analyzes the diversity of maritime symbols and their territorial distribution in the public spaces of Klaipeda city. Trends in the renewal and further development of maritime elements are also presented in order to form the image of the city and foster maritime culture. This research should expand the boundaries of cognition of maritime culture and contribute to the strengthening of the maritime image of Klaipeda city. Keywords: Klaipeda city, maritime symbols, maritime themes, public spaces.

Who Should Govern?

Chapter 8 uses the GKAP surveys, expert surveys, and interviews to examine views about governance of genomics technologies. Experts collectively offer long lists of appropriate and inappropriate governing bodies; they show little convergence. Interview subjects also offer diverse views on genomics governance, but mostly agree that government actors and medical professionals are not suited to it. The public generally endorses forensic DNA databases and their governance, has mixed views on medical research involving genetics, and is cautious about gene editing, especially germline. Americans express little confidence in any potential governing actor, but they trust families and doctors somewhat more than community forums, clergy, or public officials. There is little partisan division, some racial division, and mostly division by quadrants of the basic framework.

Reputation versus office: Why populist radical right governmental participation has differed between Sweden and Denmark

Sweden and Denmark have presented contrasting relationships between centre-right and populist radical right (PRR) parties. In Sweden, the centre-right has refused cooperation with the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) (SD), even when this cost the centre-right office. However, in Denmark, coalitions led by centre-right parties have cooperated with the Danish People’s Party (Dansk Folkeparti) (DF) on multiple occasions. Through a controlled comparison, we examine what explains these different outcomes. Using Chapel Hill Expert Surveys and public opinion data, we firstly look at the policy congruence between parties and the social acceptability of cooperation. We then examine interview material with representatives from centre-right and PRR parties in Sweden and Denmark to see their explanations of cooperation and non-cooperation. We conclude that, while the office goals of Danish centre-right parties, along with the policy focus and uncontroversial past of DF, explain that case, the reputation and past of SD has precluded a similar outcome.