On the acquisition of complex classifier constructions by L2 learners of a sign language

Sign language learners with a spoken language background face the challenge of acquiring a second language in a different modality. In the course of this endeavor, one of the modality-specific phenomena they encounter is the use of classifier predicates, also known as depicting signs. Classifier predicates contain a meaningful hand configuration that refers to an entity, denoting a salient characteristic of this entity (Zwitserlood, 2003). The use of a classifier predicate allows the signer to indicate the location, motion and orientation of a referent. If two classifier predicates are used simultaneously, the signer can represent the spatial arrangement of both referents (Schembri, Jones and Burnham, 2001). This visual representation is new for learners with a spoken language background. Since there is a paucity of literature on second language (L2) sign language acquisition, there is no empirical evidence on the developmental stages that L2 learners go through in acquiring the devices to produce such visual representations. In this study, we followed 14 novel learners of Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT) over a period of two years. The learners were asked to produce sign language descriptions of prompts containing various objects (e.g. cars, bicycles, trucks, human beings and animals) that could be depicted by a classifier predicate. Analyses show that after a year of instruction, the majority of learners are capable of producing scene descriptions featuring two classifier predicates to denote the spatial layout of the objects. The first classifier predicates appear in the data at an early stage, suggesting that the strategy of denoting an object with a meaningful handshape representing the object is not difficult to learn. Furthermore, the data show that learners initially struggle with the orientation of objects and handshape selection. This study is the first to systematically elicit classifier predicates from novel learners for an extended period of time. The results have important implications for the field of sign language pedagogy and teaching.

Spatial verbs are demonstration verbs

The literature has been divided over the question of whether spatial verbs should be subsumed into a single verb class with agreement verbs. The main point of contention has been that, even if the nature of the elements that these verb types agree with differs, the morphosyntactic mechanism, i.e. a path movement, appears to be the same. Contributing to this debate, this corpus-based study scrutinizes the morphosyntactic properties of a set of spatial verbs in German Sign Language (DGS). It is shown that spatial verbs display striking variability in where they begin and end their movement in space. They may align with locations or person loci, but often they simply mark arbitrary locations, which may convey meaningful yet less specific information about the (direction of) movement of a referent relative to the signer. Furthermore, null subjects are found to occur remarkably often in constructions with spatial verbs, despite the absence of systematic subject marking on the verb itself. These results stand in contrast with those reported for regular agreement verbs in DGS (OOMEN, 2020), and thus provide support for a distinction between the two types. It is proposed that spatial verbs in DGS involve a demonstration component (cf. DAVIDSON, 2015) which ensures the recoverability of referents involved in the event denoted by the verb, thus loosening the restrictions on both agreement marking and subject drop that apply to regular agreement verbs. As such, spatial verbs are argued to be somewhere in between conventionalized lexical verbs and classifier predicates.-----------------------------------------------------------------------------VERBOS ESPACIAIS SÃO VERBOS DE DEMONSTRAÇÃOA literatura não é consensual quanto à inclusão dos verbos espaciais na mesma classe que os verbos com concordância. O principal ponto de discordância tem sido que mesmo se os elementos que concordam com esses verbos são de naturezas diferentes, o mecanismo morfossintático, a saber, a movimento com trajetória, parece ser o mesmo utilizado por ambas as classes. Buscando contribuir para este debate, este estudo baseado em corpus escrutiniza as propriedades morfossintáticas de um grupo de verbos espaciais na língua de sinais alemã (DGS). Mostramos que os verbos espaciais exibem uma alta variação entre o local em que eles começam e terminam o seu movimento em trajetória. Eles podem alinhar o movimento com uma locação específica ou com os loci referenciais, no entanto, eles frequentemente preferem locações arbitrárias, que podem atribuir informações específicas, embora menos convencionais sobre (a direção do) movimento de um referente em relação ao sinalizante. Além disso, sujeitos nulos ocorrem com relativa frequência em construções com verbos espaciais, apesar da ausência sistemática da marcação de sujeito nesses verbos. Os resultados vão de encontro com os achados sobre os verbos de concordância regular em DGS (OOMEN, 2020), e isto traz evidência para existência de uma distinção entre os dois tipos de verbos. Propõem-se, então, que os verbos espaciais em DGS envolvem um componente demonstrativo (Cf. DAVIDSON, 2015) que garantiria a recuperação dos referentes envolvidos no evento denotado pelo verbo, e isso permitiria que esses verbos enfraquecessem aquelas restrições geralmente aplicáveis aos verbos de concordância regular, que são a marcação de concordância no verbo e a possibilidade de apagamento dos sujeitos. Deste modo, os verbos espaciais devem estar, então, em algum lugar entre os verbos lexicais mais convencionalizados e os sinais produtivos.---Original em inglês.

Sign Order in Slovenian Sign Language Transitive and Ditransitive Sentences

The basic sign order in Slovenian Sign Language (SZJ) is Subject-Verb-Object (SVO). This is shown by analysing non-topicalised or focalised transitive and ditransitive sentences that were elicited from first language SZJ informants using Picture Description Task. The data further reveal that the visual-gestural modality, through which SZJ is transmitted, plays a role in linearization since visually influenced classifier predicates trigger the non-basic SOV sign order in this language.

Crosslinguistic similarity and variation in the simultaneous morphology of sign languages

Two differences between signed and spoken languages that have been widely discussed in the literature are: the degree to which morphology is expressed simultaneously (rather than sequentially), and the degree to which iconicity is used, particularly in predicates of motion and location, often referred to as classifier predicates. In this paper we analyze a set of properties marking agency and number in four sign languages for their crosslinguistic similarities and differences regarding simultaneity and iconicity. Data from American Sign Language (ASL), Italian Sign Language (LIS), British Sign Language (BSL), and Hong Kong Sign Language (HKSL) are analyzed. We find that iconic, cognitive, phonological, and morphological factors contribute to the distribution of these properties. We conduct two analyses—one of verbs and one of verb phrases. The analysis of classifier verbs shows that, as expected, all four languages exhibit many common formal and iconic properties in the expression of agency and number. The analysis of classifier verb phrases (VPs)—particularly, multiple-verb predicates—reveals (a) that it is grammatical in all four languages to express agency and number within a single verb, but also (b) that there is crosslinguistic variation in expressing agency and number across the four languages. We argue that this variation is motivated by how each language prioritizes, or ranks, several constraints. The rankings can be captured in Optimality Theory. Some constraints in this account, such as a constraint to be redundant, are found in all information systems and might be considered non-linguistic; however, the variation in constraint ranking in verb phrases reveals the grammatical and arbitrary nature of linguistic systems.

Semantic field of falling in Russian sign language

This paper presents an analysis of the semantic fi eld of falling in Russian Sign Language (RSL). In this domain, RSL makes use of a particular group of signs usually referred to as ‘classifi er predicates’ [Zwitserlood 2012]. These signs are highly iconic and do not have correlates in spoken languages. Separate structural components of classifi er predicates, i.e. the handshape, the hand orientation, the trajectory and the direction of movement etc., describe diff erent aspects of falling. For example, the handshape determines the type of the trajector, and the direction of movement indicates the start versus end-point locations of the trajector. While some of these aspects are typically marked in both sign and spoken languages, others are unique for the languages of the visual modality. The paper gives a detailed description of the internal structure of the classifier predicates occurring in this semantic fi eld and discusses the implications these data provide for the theory of lexical typology. In particular, we explain the differences in lexicalization strategies between RSL and the spoken languages by two conceptualization modes RSL uses in this domain, i.e. the cognitive and the (purely) visual conceptualization. While the former is guided by cognitive processes and, therefore, is shared by sign and spoken languages, the latter is unique for the languages of the visual modality; it is responsible for the aspects of lexicalization based exclusively on the visual characteristics of the object/situation.

Argument Structure of Classifier Predicates: Canonical and Non-canonical Mappings in Four Sign Languages

We analyze argument structure of whole-entity and handling classifier predicates in four sign languages (Russian Sign Language, Sign Language of the Netherlands, German Sign Language, and Kata Kolok) using parallel datasets (retellings of the Canary Row cartoons). We find that all four languages display a systematic, or canonical, mapping between classifier type and argument structure, as previously established for several sign languages: whole-entity classifier predicates are mostly used intransitively, while handling classifier predicates are used transitively. However, our data sets also reveal several non-canonical mappings which we address in turn. First, it appears that whole-entity classifier predicates can be used unergatively, rather than unaccusatively, contrary to expectations. Second, our data contain some transitive uses of whole-entity classifier predicates. Finally, we find that handling classifier predicates can express various complex event structures. We discuss what these findings imply for existing theories of classifier predicates in sign languages.

NGT classifier constructions

This paper seeks to find empirical evidence for categorical associations between classifier types and argument structure in Sign Language of the Netherlands (Nederlandse Gebarentaal – NGT), based on an influential proposal by Benedicto & Brentari (2004). In the light of (sign) language typology and possible modality effects, it is of interest to investigate whether the morpho-phonological similarities of sign language classifier predicates are associated with the same syntactic-semantic properties cross-linguistically. This paper offers three additions to the quest: data from another sign language, an empirical approach, and a more fine-grained distinction of verb types. In an elicitation study, signers produced classifier descriptions of verbs with different argument structures. Their responses were analyzed for phonological handshape and classifier type. Based on the results, I conclude that (i) NGT classifier constructions show categorical associations between argument structure and classifier type, that (ii) specifically, NGT handling and whole entity classifier predicates may take part in a transitive-intransitive alternation, and that (iii) with respect to NGT classifier constructions, we need to distinguish manner verbs from causative verbs.

SPATIAL, TEMPORAL, AND SEMANTIC MODELS FOR AMERICAN SIGN LANGUAGE GENERATION: IMPLICATIONS FOR GESTURE GENERATION

Software to generate animations of American Sign Language (ASL) has important accessibility benefits for the significant number of deaf adults with low levels of written language literacy. We have implemented a prototype software system to generate an important subset of ASL phenomena called "classifier predicates," complex and spatially descriptive types of sentences. The output of this prototype system has been evaluated by native ASL signers. Our generator includes several novel models of 3D space, spatial semantics, and temporal coordination motivated by linguistic properties of ASL. These classifier predicates have several similarities to iconic gestures that often co-occur with spoken language; these two phenomena will be compared. This article explores implications of the design of our system for research in multimodal gesture generation systems. A conceptual model of multimodal communication signals is introduced to show how computational linguistic research on ASL relates to the field of multimodal natural language processing.