The AfD was successful in each of the six elections held in 2019/20 (European Parliament, Bremen, Hamburg, Brandenburg, Saxony, and Thuringia) . The right-wing party either renewed or in most cases managed to enlarge its parliamentary representation . These successful elections were accompanied by a new adjustment of AfD’s ideological performance since its split in 2015 . The result of this split was the dominance of right-wing and national conservative, right-wing populist as well as folkish-nationalist positions within the party . Whether and if so, how, those shifts are reflected in the reand newly elected AfD MPs is studied by analyzing their social profiles . Some of them strengthened the “movement oriented” and anti-parliamentary focus of the AfD factions: (1) Only some of the former MPs managed to get re-nominated . It was mostly these politicians who shaped the ideological changes, represent these and are now the politically and parliamentary experienced core of the parliamentary parties . (2) They are accompanied by new MPs, who had been in the staff of the party, the parliamentary party or a single MP before they were nominated as candidates; in that way they are part of the process of political professionalization and the party’s self-recruitment . (3) Some of the new MPs were nominated as candidates because of their former commitment to the AfD’s youth organisation (JA) . (4) Furthermore, some of the new AfD-MPs were members of rather small right-wing parties (i .e ., DSU, Die Freiheit) and gained their political experience especially in municipal councils . However, most of the new AfD-MPs - in particular of the three state parliaments (Brandenburg, Saxony, and Thuringia) and also of the EP - can be characterised as lacking political and parliamentary experience before becoming AfD members . As to constructive activities of a parliamentary party in the opposition, the AfD MPs are partly missing the political willingness, partly the parliamentary experience .