Arqueologia e separatismo: o caso do Val Camônica (Lombardia, Itália)

No Val Camônica (Brescia, Itália) há o maior sítio de arte rupestre da Europa, cuja investigação começou na primeira metade do século XX. Desde então a área se tornou cada vez mais importante para o estudo da (assim chamada) pré-história europeia e desempenhou um papel altamente representativo na busca das antigas raízes das comunidades do vale e, mais em geral, da própria Itália do norte. No final da década de 1980 foi criado o partido da Lega Nord (hoje o partido da Lega), promotor da instituição de um estado independente: a Padania. A partir desse momento, os temas das gravuras rupestres foram adotados, usados e abusados para divulgar ideologias e justificar intenções políticas. O presente texto visa ilustrar brevemente a dinâmica que está por trás do movimento civil e político da então Lega Nord e o esforço das instituições que se apelam à arqueologia para reconstruir o percurso da formação de uma identidade europeia comum a partir da história da Lombardia.

Historyczne uwarunkowania regionalizmu we Włoszech

Artykuł przedstawia historyczne korzenie regionalizmu we Włoszech. Jego celem jest zbadanie, w jakim stopniu procesy historyczno-polityczne nadają regionalizmom w Italii stosowną dynamikę. Żeby lepiej zrozumieć pojęcie regionalizmu, należy spojrzeć na historię całego kraju. Przez wieki historia Italii była historią różnych jednostek politycznych, które walczyły między sobą o władzę oraz wchodziły w konflikty poza granicami państwa. Występowały między nimi głębokie różnice w wykształceniu i w świadomości propaństwowej, a co najistotniejsze — można było je dostrzec w języku, kulturze, mentalności czy na podłożu ekonomicznym. Nowo ukształtowane państwo nie wykształciło poczucia przynależności do narodu. Punktem zwrotnym w zakresie formowania się autonomii regionalnej było nadanie konstytucji Republice Włoskiej w 1947 roku. Zwiększono kompetencje i autonomię regionów. Obecnie istnieje kilkadziesiąt prawicowych organizacji regionalnych, które walczą o autonomię. Walkę o separatyzm regionalny prowadzi przede wszystkim Lega Nord — Liga Północna, partia polityczna dążąca do niezależności północnych części Włoch, tak zwanej Padanii; na Południu zaś mieszkańcy Neapolu utworzyli Lega Sud Ausonia — Ligę Południową. Niemniej regionalizm we Włoszech można traktować przede wszystkim jako ruch społeczno-kulturowy.

Trumpism and the European Far Right: An Analysis of Trumpism’s Impact on the Post-2016 AfD, Lega Nord, and Fidesz

The paper aims at investigating the relationship between Trumpism and the European far-right parties. The combination of shared ideological cores with the confrontation of similar “enemies” has resulted in the creation of an unprecedented relationship, wherein Trump takes the role of “international godfather” and inspiration for the European far right. To examine this relation, the paper focuses on references to Donald Trump and his policies and statements from 2016 to 2020 in the discourse of Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), Hungarian Civilian Alliance (Fidesz), and Lega Nord (Lega). The examination of the discourse of the three parties about security, immigration, foreign policy, and corruption shows that these parties have utilised Trumpism in three manners. Firstly, they have employed Trumpism to normalise certain pre-existing far-right ideologies and practices within their national and European context. Secondly, they have emulated Trump’s discourse and policies to capitalise on his popularity and support their national endeavours. Thirdly, they have used Trump’s fight and ideas to justify national measures, beliefs, criticism, or political goals. This paper thus aims to establish the leitmotifs governing the use of Trumpism by European far right to set the framework for future more critical analyses and a better understanding of this unprecedented relationship.

The League of Matteo Salvini: Fostering and Exporting a Modern Mass-Party Grounded on “Phygital” Activism

The Lega Nord (LN) has undergone a profound process of transformation since 2013, by replacing its historical regionalist populism with a new state-wide populist radical right outlook. However, very little is known about how such transformation impacted its organizational model, particularly the mass-party features that characterized it under its founding leader, Umberto Bossi. This article explores the organizational evolution of the party under Matteo Salvini by means of a qualitative in-depth analysis of 41 semi-structured interviews with representatives of the LN from four regions (Calabria, Emilia-Romagna, Lombardy, and Veneto) and primary documents. It underlines that the LN was turned into a disempowered and politically inactive “bad company,” charged with the task of paying the debts of the old party, while its structure, resources, and personnel were poured into a new state-wide organization called Lega per Salvini Premier (LSP). The LSP has not simply maintained the key features of the mass-party in the LN’s historical strongholds, but also pioneered a modern form of this organizational model grounded on the continuous interaction between digital and physical activism, i.e., “phygital activism,” which boosts the party’s ability to reach out to the electorate by delivering the image that the League is constantly on the ground. The LSP has sought to export this modern interpretation of the mass-party in the South; however, in that area its organizational development remains at an embryonic stage, and the party’s nationalization strategy has so far produced a “quasi-colonial” structure dominated by, and dependent on, the Northern elite.

The League of Matteo Salvini

The Lega Nord (LN – Northern League) has undergone a profound process of transformation since 2013, byreplacing its historical regionalist populism with a new state-wide populist radical right outlook. However,very little is known about how such transformation impacted its organizational model, particularly the masspartyfeatures that characterized it under its founding leader, Umberto Bossi. This article explores theorganizational evolution of the party under Matteo Salvini by means of a qualitative in-depth analysis of 41semi-structured interviews with representatives of the League from four regions (Calabria, Emilia-Romagna,Lombardy and Veneto) and primary documents. It underlines that the LN was turned into a disempoweredand politically inactive “bad company”, charged with the task of paying the debts of the old party, while itsstructure, resources and personnel were poured into a new state-wide organization called League for SalviniPremier. This new League has not simply maintained the key features of the mass-party in the LN’s historicalstrongholds but also pioneered a modern form of this organizational model grounded on the continuousinteraction between digital and physical activism, i.e. phygital activism, which boosts the party’s ability toreach out to the electorate by delivering the image that the League is constantly on the ground. The Leaguehas sought to export this modern interpretation of the mass-party in the South; however, in that area itsorganizational development remains at an embryonic stage, and the party’s nationalization strategy has sofar produced a “quasi-colonial” structure dominated by, and dependent on, the Northern elite.

Italy’s Lega Nord: Changing Poses in a Shifting National and European landscape

This article examines changing approaches to ethnicity and nationalism of the Lega Nord (LN), a populist far-right political party in Italy, against a backdrop of growing anti-EU and anti-immigrant sentiment. The article reflects on the contexts in which populist and far right politics are taking hold in Italy and in the European Union (EU), with the LN used to illustrate this dynamic. The EU is shaping national politics in new and unexpected ways. The article concludes that the LN is seizing the opportunity to recast itself in Italy by adopting a national anti-euro, anti-austerity, anti-EU project at the same time that populist parties in other member states of the EU are capitalising on deepening societal insecurity and growing opposition to the EU, the euro, immigration and EU-imposed austerity.

Populism or the Broken Promises of Democracy. Concepts, Causes and Solutions

"Europe's response to the consequences of the Two World Wars was the need for joint association in a European project. Later on, the communist revolutions have sparked hopes on the European continent in creating a much-dreamed prosperity. One by one, the Eastern European Countries have joined the European project, the last country being Croatia in 2013. Time has passed, but not all problems seem to be resolved, on the contrary, we could say, extremism is on the rise, intolerance of migrants and foreigners it’s a topic on any internal debate. And s as if it weren't enough, Brexit, in conjunction with the rise in the voting intentions for the populist leaders like Marine Le Pen with The National Front in France, Matteo Salvini with Lega Nord in Italy and Nigel Farage with UKIP and later on with Reform Part. This Article aims to provide some clarifications in relation with the conceptual nature of populism, in order to define the concept and identifying and analyzing the main key messages within the populist speech, and also to identify why such messages have success, using as a starting point the idea that populism is only the result of stagnation of the current political class, as well as of the shortcomings of the democratic system. Keywords: democracy, populism, unemployment, civic-unrest, crisis, elitism, fake-news. "

O Sábado de Legnano (1176): leituras nacionalistas e ressignificações neomedievalistas na política italiana contemporânea

O século XIX foi palco para a criação da identidade nacional italiana durante o movimento conhecido como Risorgimento que, para tanto, recorreu maciçamente a reinterpretações de acontecimentos ligados à Idade Média, tendo eleito a Liga Lombarda, a batalha de Legnano (1176) e Alberto da Giussano como símbolos essenciais à sua luta em prol da constituição da Itália como estado-nação. A partir de inícios da década de 1980, com a formação do partido político etnoregionalista de direita conhecido durante a maior parte de sua história como Lega Nord (1989-2013), estes símbolos foram ressignificados para adequarem-se ao objetivo da criação de uma nova nação, a Padania, que, segundo os partidários da Lega, seria sucessora da Liga Lombarda medieval. Todos os elementos históricos e ideológicos da mitopoiese orquestrada pela Lega são essenciais para a análise e compreensão dos usos neomedievalistas de sua obra-prima, o longa-metragem Barbarossa (2009), aqui analisado em múltiplas perspectivas.

L’Antirisorgimento nel dibattito pubblico dell’Italia repubblicana

During the celebration of the 150th anniversary of Italian unification in 2011 three disparaging views of the Risorgimento were publicly expressed: the first by ultraconservative Catholics, the second by the neo-Bourbon movement and the third by the Lega Nord. This article analyses their cultural roots, evolution and mutual relations, with a particular focus on the neo-Bourbon movement, the most active during recent years.